Category: Kansas state government

  • Kansas private sector jobs lag government jobs

    Government jobs in Kansas have been growing at the expense of private sector jobs.

    Some mistakenly say that government employees are good for the economy, because their paychecks pump up the economy. But this analysis ignores the source of government employees’ paychecks, which are taxes. (Or borrowing, which simply delays taxation to some future time, or inflation, which robs money of its value. Fortunately Kansas can’t engage in inflationary monetary policies, but it does borrow.)

    If people are not taxed, they spend or invest their money in the way they feel best benefits them. Politicians spend taxpayers’ money for political reasons, say to reward campaign contributors with padded no-bid contracts.

    In fact, for many politicians creating government jobs is a good thing. To them, it doesn’t matter whether the jobs are productive, or whether people really want or need what the government workers produce. In the private sector — where firms compete with others for scare resources and the value of activity is judged by profitability — efficiency is prized. Minimizing costs is the goal. Innovation abounds.

    As the following chart illustrates, private sector employment growth has lagged behind the growth of government employment. This has happened during the decade that is now being described by some as a period of “reasonableness,” with Kansas taking a “balanced” and “responsible” approach to government. The numbers in the chart illustrate the results of these policies.

    This trend has been known. In 2005 Alan Cobb, then State Director of Americans for Prosperity–Kansas, wrote “Unbelievably, this century Kansas has lost 16,700 private sector jobs while the government sector actually added 15,000 jobs.”

    In 2011 there were efforts to reform Kansas government so that the cost of government is not so burdensome to the private sector. There was the Kansas Streamlining Government Act, an act to create the Kansas Advisory Council on Privatization and Public-Private Partnerships, and an act to implement performance measures similar to what many business firms use. These bills passed the House of Representatives but didn’t make it through the Senate. See In Kansas, there are ways to reduce the cost of government for details on these measures.

    By the way, during this campaign season the Kansas Senate is being described as the last hope for the “reasonable” approach to Kansas government that has produced the results illustrated below.

    Kansas private sector job growth compared to other statesKansas job growth. Data is indexed, with January 2001 equal to 1. Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics
  • Kansas reasonable: The legacy

    As campaigns for positions in the Kansas Legislature heat up, some are calling for voters to support candidates who will follow a tradition of “reasonableness” that, they say, is characteristic of successful Kansas politicians — the “traditional” Republicans.

    Others call for a “balanced” approach to government and “responsible tax reform.” Senate President Steve Morris contributes an op-ed in support of “incumbent senators who put their local communities above the agendas of these special interest groups.”

    Reasonable, balanced, responsible. These are words that promote a positive image, although sometimes negative words are used, as in criticism of Kansas tax reform as “reckless.”

    So what is the record of the reasonable Kansas politicians? The first decade of this century was marked by a legislature and governors that were, well, reasonable. During this decade the Kansas economy performed poorly. A chart of the number of private sector jobs in Kansas as compared to a few surrounding states over the past eleven years shows Kansas at or near the bottom. (Kansas is the thick black line. Data is indexed so that all states start at the same relative position.)

    The record of Kansas government policies has not been one we can be proud of. It is not reasonable, balanced, or responsible to continue with the policies that caused this lost decade. Kansans need to support candidates who will vote in favor of economic freedom, which is the key to jobs and prosperity for Kansas. The Kansas Economic Freedom Index is a resource that voters can use to learn more about incumbent candidates and how they voted on issues of economic freedom.

    Kansas private sector job growth compared to other statesKansas private sector job growth compared to other states. Data is indexed, with January 2001 equal to 1. Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics
  • Coalition Grades Kansas Legislators’ Support of Economic Freedom

    Americans for Prosperity–Kansas, Kansas Policy Institute, and Voice for Liberty in Wichita Partner to Inform Citizens

    Wichita — July 12, 2012 — A new scorecard released today takes a broad look at voting records and establishes how supportive state legislators were of economic freedom, limited government and individual liberty in the 2012 legislative session. The 2012 Kansas Economic Freedom Index is produced by Americans for Prosperity–Kansas, Voice for Liberty in Wichita, and Kansas Policy Institute.

    The Index is intended to provide educational information to the public about broad economic issues that are important to the citizens of our State. It is the product of nonpartisan analysis, study, and research and is not intended to directly or indirectly endorse or oppose any candidate for public office.

    The organizations that produced this first annual edition of the Kansas Economic Freedom Index do so in the belief that an informed citizenry is an essential element of maintaining a free society. Having a deeper understanding of how legislation impacts economic freedom and the constitutional principles of individual liberty and limited government allows citizens to better understand the known and often unknown consequences of legislative issues. The social and economic benefits of economic freedom have been widely studied by groups such as the Fraser Institute in Canada and the Heritage Foundation in Washington, D.C.

    “Economic freedom is not a partisan issue,” said KPI president Dave Trabert. “Indeed, the 2012 Kansas Economic Freedom Index shows that quite clearly. There were 32 Republicans and 8 Democrats in the 2012 Senate; the House had 92 Republicans and 33 Democrats. Those counts would produce fairly strong results one way or the other if economic freedom was a partisan issue, but instead, the overall score of both chambers is very near neutral.”

    The Index is based on 24 House and 20 Senate votes. A vote in support of individual liberty, limited government and free markets received positive points; a vote opposed received negative points. Votes of Present or Not Voting (absent) were awarded zero points. A full list of the bills tracked and scores of the House and Senate are available at www.KansasPolicy.org/EconomicFreedomIndex.

    A positive cumulative score indicates that a legislator generally supported economic freedom, while a negative cumulative score indicates that a legislator generally opposed economic freedom. At the same time, the magnitude of both positive and negative scores generally indicates the degree to which a given legislator is supportive or opposed to economic freedom. A score of zero indicates that a legislator was generally neutral on economic freedom. The cumulative score only pertains to the specific votes included in the Kansas Economic Freedom Index and should not be interpreted otherwise. A different set of issues and/or a different set of circumstances could result in different cumulative scores.

    Bob Weeks, of Voice for Liberty in Wichita, started a version of this index after the 2010 legislative session and had this to say, “The value of a voting index is that it shines light on how lawmakers vote on important economic issues. It’s often hard for citizens to get a full understanding of the implications of a bill so this Index will hopefully provide a deeper understanding of economic freedom.”

    Derrick Sontag of Americans for Prosperity – Kansas offered, “The Kansas Economic Freedom Index is an important tool for Kansans who want to know if their state legislators follow through with promises to lower taxes, control government spending and protect individual liberties. This comprehensive measurement does a good job showing which legislators voted against key issues of limited government, free market ideals. Kansans clearly want a smaller, more efficient government and Kansas families and business owners deserve to know how legislators’ actions impact their economic freedom and individual liberty.”

  • Looking for Senator Reasonable

    Below, Alan Cobb of Americans for Prosperity Foundation provides rebuttal to a recent op-ed by H. Edward Flentje of the Hugo Wall School of Urban and Public Affairs at Wichita State University. In his op-ed (Senate elections will shape state’s future, June 24, 2012 Wichita Eagle) Flentje explains his interpretation of the importance of eight Kansas Senate races where Republican incumbents have conservative challengers. These races will likely determine balance of power in the Senate, which has been controlled by a coalition of Democrats and left-leaning Republicans, usually called “moderate” Republicans. A version of this appeared in the Wichita Eagle.

    Looking for Senator Reasonable

    By Alan Cobb, Americans for Prosperity Foundation

    I’ve been looking for those reasonable Kansas state senators who occupy leadership positions that my friend Ed Flentje mentioned a few days ago in this paper. I looked and looked, but can’t find them.

    The Senate leadership I’ve seen for more than the last decade certainly isn’t opposed to tax increases, sometimes actively supporting them, and has done everything they can to thwart any kind of spending reform.

    Nearly every good piece of public policy that has passed the Kansas Legislature during this time frame has been despite Senate leadership efforts to stop it. This includes the nation’s first budget transparency act, which AFP worked hand-in-hand with the Kansas Press Association to pass, over strong objections and efforts to kill the bill by Republican leaders in the Senate

    I always smile when so-called “traditional” Kansas Republicans invoke the name of one of my heroes, Dwight Eisenhower. Eisenhower was hardly a moderate. He was the last President to oversee a true reduction of Federal spending. Over the last several decades, Kansas moderates treat spending increases as fait accompli and spending cuts as the end of the world as we know it. This is not how Eisenhower would have governed and this is not how he did govern.

    Senate leaders and those who have supported them have not exercised fiscal restraint as Dr. Flentje states, and to say so really strains credulity. Or in the vernacular I like to use, that dog don’t hunt.

    Since Steve Morris was elected Senate President in 2004, State General Fund spending has increased almost 31 percent while inflation during that same time period has been a little over 18 percent. Total Kansas government spending, including Federal contributions, has increased more than 39 percent. Though 2012 data isn’t available yet, population growth in Kansas from 2004 to 2011 has increased by a disappointing 4.5 percent.

    Most Kansans, including those of the traditional moderate Republican persuasion probably would not describe that as fiscal restraint.

    This group of moderate senators has not proposed alternatives and has simply made every effort to stop legislation supported by Gov. Brownback and other limited government, free market senators. As much as being so-called moderates, this group of senators has really been simply anti-conservative. It really isn’t much of an intellectual base for public policy.

    Those that support a different path for our State want something better for Kansans. Certainly those that support the status quo desire the same. The results of the status quo are known. We shall see the outcome of bold change

    I agree with Dr. Flentje that the results of August 7 could fundamentally change the future of Kansas. Under the current leadership that can be traced to Govs. Mike Hayden, Joan Finney, Bill Graves and Kathleen Sebelius, we’ve seen significant state budget growth, large state debt increase, state tax increases, sluggish economic growth and slow population growth. We have more people moving out of Kansas than moving in and those moving out are headed to states with a lower tax burden than Kansas.

    I don’t know about the rest of the state, but this Kansan does not think that is a path that we should continue.

  • In Kansas, there are ways to reduce the cost of government

    Recently-passed tax reform in Kansas has lead to fear that the state will suffer large deficits in upcoming years and will have to cut services like education and social services. There are many ways, however, that Kansas government can save money and still provide the essential services that Kansans rely on. One way is to improve the budgeting process.

    Something else Kansas needs to do is improve the operations and reduce the cost of state government. In 2011 the Kansas Legislature lost three opportunities to do just this. Three bills, each with this goal, were passed by the House of Representatives, but each failed to pass through the Senate, or had its contents stripped and replaced with different legislation.

    Each of these bills represents a lost opportunity for state government services to be streamlined, delivered more efficiently, or measured and managed. These goals, while always important, are now essential for the success of Kansas government and the state’s economy.

    Kansas Streamlining Government Act

    HB 2120, according to its supplemental note, “would establish the Kansas Streamlining Government Act, which would have the purpose of improving the performance, efficiency, and operations of state government by reviewing certain state agencies, programs, boards, and commissions.” Fee-funded agencies — examples include Kansas dental board and Kansas real estate commission — would be exempt from this bill.

    In more detail, the text of the bill explains: “The purposes of the Kansas streamlining government act are to improve the performance, streamline the operations, improve the effectiveness and efficiency, and reduce the operating costs of the executive branch of state government by reviewing state programs, policies, processes, original positions, staffing levels, agencies, boards and commissions, identifying those that should be eliminated, combined, reorganized, downsized or otherwise altered, and recommending proposed executive reorganization orders, executive orders, legislation, rules and regulations, or other actions to accomplish such changes and achieve such results.”

    In testimony in support of this legislation, Dave Trabert, President of Kansas Policy Institute offered testimony that echoed findings of the public choice school of economics and politics: “Some people may view a particular expenditure as unnecessary to the fulfillment of a program’s or an agency’s primary mission while others may see it as essential. Absent an independent review, we are expecting government employees to put their own self-interests aside and make completely unbiased decisions on how best to spend taxpayer funds. It’s not that government employees are intentionally wasteful; it’s that they are human beings and setting self-interests aside is challenge we all face.”

    The bill passed the House of Representatives by a vote of 79 to 40. It was referred to the Senate Committee on Federal and State Affairs, where it did not advance.

    Privatization and public-private partnerships

    Another bill that did not advance was HB 2194, which in its original form would have created the Kansas Advisory Council on Privatization and Public-Private Partnerships.

    According to the supplemental note for the bill, “The purpose of the Council would be to ensure that certain state agencies, including the Board of Regents and postsecondary educational institutions, would: 1) focus on the core mission and provide goods and services efficiently and effectively; 2) develop a process to analyze opportunities to improve efficiency, cost-effectiveness and provide quality services, operations, functions, and activities; and 3) evaluate for feasibility, cost-effectiveness, and efficiency opportunities that could be outsourced. Excluded from the state agencies covered by the bill would be any entity not receiving State General Fund or federal funds appropriation.”

    This bill passed by a vote of 68 to 51 in the House of Representatives. It did not advance in the Senate, falling victim to a “gut-and-go” maneuver where its contents were replaced with legislation on an entirely different topic.

    Opposing this bill was Kansas Organization of State Employees (KOSE), a union for executive branch state employees. It advised its “brothers and sisters” that the bill “… establishes a partisan commission of big-business interests to privatize state services putting a wolf in charge of the hen house. To be clear, this bill allows for future privatization of nearly all services provided by state workers. Make no mistake, this proposal is a privatization scheme that will begin the process of outsourcing our work to private contractors. Under a privatization scheme for any state agency or service, the employees involved will lose their rights under our MOA and will be forced to adhere to the whims of a private contractor who typically provides less pay and poor benefits. Most workers affected by privatization schemes are not guaranteed to keep their jobs once an agency or service is outsourced.”

    Note the use of “outsourcing our work.” This underscores the sense of entitlement of many government workers: It is not work done for the benefit of Kansans; to them it is our work.

    Then, there’s the warning that private industry pays less. Most of the time representatives of state workers like KOSE make the case that it is they who are underpaid, but here the argument is turned around when it supports the case they want to make. One thing is probably true: Benefits — at least pension plans — may be lower in the private sector. But we’re now painfully aware that state government has promised its workers more pension benefits than the state has been willing to fund.

    Performance measures

    Another bill that didn’t pass the entire legislature was HB 2158, which would have created performance measures for state agencies and reported that information to the public. The supplemental note says that the bill “as amended, would institute a new process for modifying current performance measures and establishing new standardized performance measures to be used by all state agencies in support of the annual budget requests. State agencies would be required to consult with representatives of the Director of the Budget and the Legislative Research Department to modify each agency’s current performance measures, to standardize such performance measures, and to utilize best practices in all state agencies.” Results of the performance measures would be posted on a public website.

    This bill passed the House of Representatives by a nearly unanimous vote of 119 to 2, with Wichita’s Nile Dillmore and Geraldine Flaharty the two nay votes. In the Senate, this bill was stripped of its content using the “gut-and-go” procedure and did not proceed intact to a vote.

    Opposition to these bills from Democrats often included remarks on the irony of those who were recently elected on the promise of shrinking government now proposing to enlarge government through the creation of these commissions and councils. These bills, however, proposed to spend modest amounts increasing the manageability of government, not the actual range and scope of government itself. As it turns out, many in the legislature — this includes Senate Republicans who initiated or went along with the legislative maneuvers that killed these bills — are happy with the operations of state government remaining in the shadows.

    These proposals to scale back the services that government provides — or to have existing services be delivered by the private sector — mean that there will be fewer government employees, and fewer members of government worker unions. This is another fertile area of gathering support for killing these bills.

    State workers and their supporters also argue that fewer state workers mean fewer people paying state and other taxes. Forgotten by them is the fact that the taxes taken to pay these workers means less economic activity and fewer jobs in the private sector. And, in fact, Kansas has seen the number of government workers — at all levels — rise.

    As to not wanting performance measures: Supporters of the status quo say that people outside of government don’t understand how to make the decisions that government workers make. In one sense, this may be true. In the private sector, profitability is the benchmark of success. Government has no comparable measure when it decides to, say, spend some $300 million to renovate the Kansas Capitol. But once it decides to do so, the benchmark and measurement of profitability in executing the service can be utilized by private sector operators. Of course, private contractors will be subject to the discipline of the profit and loss system, something again missing from government.

  • Reducing Kansas taxes and government footprint

    Across Kansas editorial writers and candidates for state offices are harshly criticizing the new tax policy passed this year. Editorials with titles like “Tax cut is huge gamble” predict doom and gloom for our state. But we’ve been in the doldrums in Kansas, and reducing taxes is a good first step on the road to recovery for many reasons.

    The most fundamental reason we need to reduces taxes in Kansas is that the money people earn belongs first to themselves, not the government. Not everyone believes this. You can tell these people when they talk about the cost of a tax cut. An example is a recent op-ed by KU political science professor Burdett Loomis, when he wrote “We will, however, discover the public costs to disbursing these private benefits.” The political class believes the current level of taxation belongs to them, and any reduction in tax revenue is a cost to government.

    The correct view is that government is a cost to taxpayers. Reducing that cost leaves more money in the pockets of people, where it belongs. Reducing taxes is the correct thing to do for this reason.

    Another reason to reduce taxes is that it leaves more money in the hands of the private sector. Examples of government waste, fraud, and abuse are everywhere. No one spends money as carefully as their own, so leaving money in the private sector almost guarantees the money will be spent or invested more wisely than sending it to government to spend.

    As far as the prediction of drastic cuts in services or the shifting of costs to local property taxes, Kansas Policy Institute has shown that reducing state spending by 6.5 percent in 2013 — and then working to control the rate of increase — will result in a balanced budget. Who doesn’t believe that government can cut spending by that amount and still provide essential services? Kansas employs no budgeting methodologies that have been shown to root out wasteful and unneeded spending. Two examples are zero-based and priority-based budgeting.

    Some complain that there is no evidence that cutting taxes will spur economic growth and job creation. An example is from the Loomis op-ed: “There is simply no evidence, nor any studies, to suggest that tax reductions alone can ever generate this kind of economic growth, much of it untaxed.” (Note the lament that the growth won’t be fully taxed.)

    We don’t have to look hard to find evidence that low taxes work. We can’t perform controlled experiments regarding states and income tax rates, but we can look at what has happened in the states. There, the results are striking. Analysis in the current edition of Rich States, Poor States: ALEC-Laffer State Economic Competitiveness Index shows that low taxes are conducive to economic growth: “When it comes to growing gross state product (GSP), the [states with no personal income tax] have, on average, outperformed those states with the highest rates by 39.2 percent over the past decade. They have also outperformed the U.S. average by 25.6 percent. Additionally, not even one state in the high tax rate group performed as well as the average no personal income tax state.”

    We also need to face the grim realization that the Kansas economy has not been performing well. Rich States, Poor States evaluates state economies two ways. The “Economic Outlook Ranking” is a forecast looking forward. It is based on factors that are under control of the states. The “Economic Performance Ranking” is a backward-looking rating that measures state performance, again using variables under control of each state.

    For Economic Performance Ranking, Kansas is ranked 39 among the states, near the bottom in terms of positive performance. In the 2010 edition, Kansas was ranked 40th, and in 2010, 34th. Kansas is not making progress in this ranking of state performance.

    In the forward-looking Economic Outlook Ranking, Kansas ranks 26th. Again, Kansas is not making progress, compared to other states. In annual rankings since 2008 Kansas has been ranked 29, 24, 25, 27, and now 26.

    Recently the Tax Foundation released a report that examines the tax costs on business in the states and in selected cities in each state. The news for Kansas is worse than merely bad, as our state couldn’t have performed much worse: Kansas ranks 47th among the states for tax costs for mature business firms, and 48th for new firms. The report is Location Matters: A Comparative Analysis of State Tax Costs on Business.

    The most startling fact, and one that should be a wake-up call to anyone who cares about the future of Kansas, is the uncovering by Kansas Policy Institute that not long ago, Kansas was the only state to have a loss in private sector jobs over a year-long period.

    All the spending on schools, highways, and other government programs that are supposed to spur our economy to greatness lead to this: last place. The only state with private-sector job loss. We couldn’t have done worse.

    You might think that this evidence would matter to those who care about the future of Kansas. Judging from the flurry of opposing editorials the last month, it doesn’t seem to have an impact.

    Kansas will do better by leaving more of its citizens’ resources in the private sector, under their own control. Cutting taxes — and government spending to match — is the way to generate prosperity in Kansas for all of its citizens.

  • In Kansas, redistricting went well, after all

    The Kansas political class is upset because a federal court drew new districts they way they should be drawn — compactly and contiguously, and also considering communities of interest.

    The court, in its opinion, explained: “we have developed new legislative maps that distribute population as evenly as practicable between districts, while also considering to a much lesser degree the state’s legislative policies guiding redistricting.”

    In drawing Congressional districts the court took into consideration the Roeck score, a measure of compactness.

    What the court has done is to ignore the desires of the political class. The legislature’s consideration when attempting redistricting was all politics, all the time. Incumbents were protected and not pitted against each other. The residencies of potential challengers to incumbents were considered. The infighting was so protracted that the legislature failed to produce new districts, and is said to have affceted progress on other important legislation.

    It’s good the court didn’t consider the entrenched political class, because they don’t count. The legislature should not be run as a club. Said the court: “We have subordinated protection of incumbents to other state policy factors and, of course, to the constitutional requirement of one person, one vote. … any efforts to protect incumbents would require our choosing among incumbents, an inherently political exercise that we are neither able nor inclined undertake.”

    In creating the new districts for the Kansas House and Senate, the court — unintentionally — imposed a rough and not complete one-time implementation of term limits. In the House, there are 48 districts with more than one incumbent and 25 districts with no incumbent. This means a lot of turnover, which is good. We need fewer professional politicians and more citizens in legislatures. This is not as large a problem in Kansas as in the U.S. Congress, as our legislature meets for four months each year, and legislators are pretty much regular citizens the remainder of the year. But still, the redistricting battle has reminded us that there is indeed a political class in Kansas that believes it is entitled to office, term after term.

    Further evidence of an entrenched political class is the number — five at current count — of incumbents who moved their residence in order to run.

    I believe that Kansans will appreciate the large number of new members that are likely to take office next January. Hopefully the new members will realize the benefit themselves and implement term limits in Kansas. That would require an amendment to the constitution, which requires a two-thirds vote of each chamber of the legislature. Then, the people would have to pass the amendment by a simple majority. It’s quite likely that voters would approve term limits, as they are consistently popular with voters.

    Kansas Governor Sam Brownback does not play a formal role in passing constitutional amendments. His involvement would be to exercise his influence. Brownback, when elected to the U.S. Senate, imposed a two-term limit in himself, and he held true to that pledge. He has spoken in favor of term limits for members of Congress.

  • School funding suitability in Kansas

    As a Kansas court considers intervening in Kansas school finance, the importance of accurate and meaningful evidence on school funding should be the court’s top priority. Supporters of increased school funding rely on two studies that they claim supports more funding for schools. An analysis by Kansas Policy Institute is helpful in understanding why the studies relied on in the past should be discarded.

    “Suitable” Funding of K-12 Should Not be Based on Montoy

    Augenblick & Myers Gave the Court Deliberately Inflated Numbers

    June 7, 2012 — Wichita — The attorneys representing Kansas school districts suing taxpayers for additional funding in Gannon v. State of Kansas are trying to prove that the state is not making suitable provision for K-12 funding. Their definition of “suitable” is based on a formula that the legislature implemented after the Kansas Supreme Court ordered nearly a billion dollar increase in the 2005 Montoy decision. But the Montoy decision was based on a seriously flawed study.

    “Basing suitability on the Montoy decision or any variation thereof throws efficient use of taxpayer money out the window. The 2001 Augenblick & Myers (A&M) study was supposed to take efficiency into account but they admitted that they deviated from their own methodology and by doing so, gave the court inflated numbers,” said Kansas Policy Institute president Dave Trabert.

    KPI published a legal analysis of Montoy in 2009 that was written by Caleb Stegall, now Gov. Brownback’s general counsel. Stegall wrote a critique of the previous efforts to determine suitability with a nod to cost-effectiveness that still holds today, “So while the Legislative Post Audit (LPA) study — and the A&M study for that matter — attempted to provide informed estimates of the price of certain policy decisions, in the end, LPA rightly recognized that only the Legislature is capable of making such decisions. As such, the best that any cost study can do is inform the Legislature as to the range of possible costs associated with different policy decision, and not dictate the exact price tag associated with a funding system that passes constitutional muster. This fact simply brings critical clarity to the contradictions at the heart of the school finance debacle in Kansas.”

    Trabert continued, “The subsequent Legislative Post Audit study was designed to essentially replicate the A&M study. LPA very deliberately reported that they were not asked to determine what it would cost if schools were organized and operated in a cost-effective manner.”

    LPA made this very clear on page two of their report. “In other words, it’s important to remember that these cost studies are intended to help the Legislature decide appropriate funding levels for K-12 public education. They aren’t intended to dictate any specific funding level, and shouldn’t be viewed that way.

    Finally, within these cost studies we weren’t directed to, nor did we try to, examine the most cost-effective way for Kansas school districts to be organized and operated. Those can be major studies in their own right. However, such issues potentially could be addressed in the on-going school audits we’ll be doing after these cost studies are completed. Topics for those audits will be approved by the 2010 Commission, which was created by the 2005 Legislature.”

    The 2010 Commission waited three years to have LPA begin to look at efficient operations of schools. They released a study in July 2009 that cited eighty recommendations for schools to save money without impacting outcomes. The next step was to have been audits of individual districts but superintendents objected and convinced the Commission to stop the mandatory efficiency audits.

    Trabert continued, “All along the way, the Legislature has attempted to receive information on the efficient use of taxpayer money in public education but their efforts have been thwarted. They passed legislation that encouraged districts to direct 65 percent of funding into Instructional costs in another attempt to ensure that taxpayer money was put to the best use but districts ignored them. Instruction spending accounted for 53.6 percent of total spending in 2005; total spending was $1.3 billion higher in 2011 but Instruction spending was only 54.3 percent of the total. Upon discovering that districts had used another $400 million in state and local tax dollars to increase cash reserves since 2005, legislation was passed to make a lot of that money easily accessible but very little of the money has been used.”

    Trabert concluded by saying, “Legislators have shown multiple good-faith efforts to make provision for suitable finance of public education and we believe they have fulfilled their constitutional obligation to do so. ‘Suitability’ may not be a clearly-defined term but it certainly hasn’t been established by any study to date.”