In a heated six-hour session that exposed deep partisan fault lines over America’s ongoing military conflict with Iran, the House Armed Services Committee convened on April 29, 2026, to review the Trump administration’s historic $1.5 trillion FY27 defense budget request — the largest single-year defense spending proposal in American history. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth and Joint Chiefs Chairman General Dan Caine defended the unprecedented funding increase as essential to modernizing a hollowed-out military and deterring a resurgent China, while Ranking Member Rep. Adam Smith (D-WA) and numerous Democratic colleagues subjected the witnesses to some of the most confrontational questioning seen in the committee in years, challenging the administration’s Iran strategy, its transparency about war costs, the firing of senior military officers, allegations of war crimes, and the skyrocketing gas prices squeezing American families. The hearing moved far beyond budget line items, becoming an impromptu referendum on Operation Epic Fury, the roughly 60-day-old U.S.-led military campaign against Iran that has claimed 13–14 American lives, closed the Strait of Hormuz, and divided Congress along sharply partisan lines. Assistance from Claude AI.
Date of Hearing: April 29, 2026 Committee: House Armed Services Committee Subject: Department of Defense Fiscal Year 2027 Budget Request
Participants
Witnesses
| Name | Title |
|---|---|
| Pete Hegseth | Secretary of Defense (Department of War) |
| General Dan Caine | Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff |
| Jay Hurst | Acting Chief Financial Officer and Comptroller, Department of Defense |
Committee Members — Republicans
| Name | State |
|---|---|
| Rep. Mike D. Rogers | Alabama — Chairman |
| Rep. Joe Wilson | South Carolina |
| Rep. Michael R. Turner | Ohio |
| Rep. Rob Wittman | Virginia |
| Rep. Austin Scott | Georgia |
| Rep. Sam Graves | Missouri |
| Rep. Elise Stefanik | New York |
| Rep. Scott DesJarlais | Tennessee |
| Rep. Trent Kelly | Mississippi |
| Rep. Don Bacon | Nebraska |
| Rep. Jack Bergman | Michigan |
| Rep. Pat Fallon | Texas |
| Rep. Ronny L. Jackson | Texas |
| Rep. Brad Finstad | Minnesota |
| Rep. Carlos Gimenez | Florida |
| Rep. Nancy Mace | South Carolina |
| Rep. Jen Kiggans | Virginia |
| Rep. Morgan Luttrell | Texas |
| Rep. Cory Mills | Florida |
| Rep. Rich McCormick | Georgia |
| Del. James Moylan | Guam |
| Rep. Lance Gooden | Texas |
| Rep. Clay Higgins | Louisiana |
| Rep. Derrick Van Orden | Wisconsin |
| Rep. John McGuire | Virginia |
| Rep. Jeff Crank | Colorado |
| Rep. Pat Harrigan | North Carolina |
| Rep. Mark Messmer | Indiana |
| Rep. Derek Schmidt | Kansas |
| Rep. Abraham Hamadeh | Arizona |
Committee Members — Democrats
| Name | State |
|---|---|
| Rep. Adam Smith | Washington — Ranking Member |
| Rep. Joe Courtney | Connecticut |
| Rep. John Garamendi | California |
| Rep. Donald Norcross | New Jersey |
| Rep. Seth Moulton | Massachusetts |
| Rep. Ro Khanna | California |
| Rep. Salud Carbajal | California |
| Rep. Jared Golden | Maine |
| Rep. Chrissy Houlahan | Pennsylvania |
| Rep. William Keating | Massachusetts |
| Rep. Sara Jacobs | California |
| Rep. Marilyn Strickland | Washington |
| Rep. Pat Ryan | New York |
| Rep. Chris DeLuzio | Pennsylvania |
| Rep. Gabriel Vasquez | New Mexico |
| Rep. Don Davis | North Carolina |
| Rep. Jill Tokuda | Hawaii |
| Rep. Jason Crow | Colorado |
| Rep. Gil Cisneros | California |
| Rep. Eric Sorensen | Illinois |
| Rep. Sarah Elfreth | Maryland |
| Rep. Maggie Goodlander | New Hampshire |
| Rep. Derek Tran | California |
| Rep. George Whitesides | California |
| Rep. Wesley Bell | Missouri |
| Rep. Eugene Vindman | Virginia |
| Rep. Herb Conaway | New Jersey |
Background: Setting the Scene
What is the FY27 Defense Budget? Each year, the Department of Defense submits a budget request to Congress detailing how much money it needs and for what purposes. “FY27” means the fiscal year beginning October 1, 2026. Congress then debates, amends, and authorizes that spending through the annual National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) and related appropriations bills. The hearing before the Armed Services Committee is one of the first and most important steps in that process.
The hearing took place against the backdrop of an active military conflict — Operation Epic Fury — the U.S.-led campaign against Iran that began approximately February 28, 2026. The operation followed earlier strikes (Operation Midnight Hammer) targeting Iran’s nuclear facilities, and has since expanded into a broader campaign. Iran responded by closing the Strait of Hormuz, a critical global oil chokepoint, which U.S. forces have countered by blockading Iranian ports. The war has killed 13–14 American service members, wounded hundreds more, and driven gas prices nationwide above $4.20 per gallon.
Opening Statements
Chairman Mike Rogers (R-AL): “A Historic Budget”
Rep. Rogers opened by framing the $1.5 trillion request as an urgent and long-overdue course correction. Using data graphics, he argued that U.S. defense spending as a percentage of GDP has been falling since World War II while adversaries — particularly China — have dramatically expanded their military power.
China, he noted, now builds 47 percent of the world’s ships while the United States builds one-tenth of one percent — “fewer ships than Croatia or the Netherlands.” He described a “vicious cycle” in which successive administrations pitted readiness against modernization, underfunding both. The FY27 budget, he said, breaks that cycle by fully funding both.
Key figures Rogers highlighted from the budget include a 24 percent increase in operations and maintenance, a 20 percent boost to core readiness programs, a 115 percent increase in facility repair funding, an expansion of military end strength by 44,000 troops, an unprecedented 76 percent increase in procurement, a 64 percent jump in research and development, and a commitment to returning defense spending to 4.5 percent of GDP.
Rogers closed by praising U.S. warfighters in the Iran conflict, saying their battlefield success has “given the President the opening he needs to negotiate a true and lasting peace.”
Ranking Member Adam Smith (D-WA): “Please Don’t Call This Realism”
In a lengthy and sharply worded opening statement, Rep. Smith offered qualified praise for the troops — “they have been asked to do more than anyone expected” — before launching a sustained critique of the administration’s strategic framework.
Smith’s central argument was that the administration’s self-described “realism” label is a contradiction in terms. He argued that launching a full-scale war in the Middle East, going it alone while alienating allies, shutting down USAID, sidelining the State Department, and simultaneously pursuing Western Hemisphere dominance (including statements about annexing Canada and invading Greenland) represents the opposite of realism. He invoked The Princess Bride, saying the administration “keeps using that word — I don’t think you know what it means.”
On the Iran war specifically, Smith raised what he called the central unanswered question: Iran’s nuclear program remains intact two months in, Iran is still blockading the Strait, and the administration’s claim that Iran had agreed to a deal weeks earlier turned out to be false — Iran hadn’t even agreed to meet. He described 50,000 U.S. troops still at risk in the region with no clear strategic exit path.
Smith also criticized the firing of senior military officers, the elimination of USAID (“literally causing the starvation of children”), and what he called gratuitous insults to allies — including an incident where President Trump criticized French President Macron in the middle of the conflict. He closed by pointing to Ukraine as a positive example of what the right strategy looks like: supporting a democracy standing up to authoritarian aggression.
Secretary Hegseth’s Opening Statement
Secretary Hegseth testified in support of the $1.5 trillion budget as a “war fighting budget” and “fiscally responsible budget” that builds on the $1 trillion FY26 baseline. He framed the budget around three pillars: rebuilding the defense industrial base, restoring quality of life for service members, and projecting strength.
On the industrial base, Hegseth cited metrics he called historic: more than 250 private investment deals in 39 states involving 150 companies, worth over $50 billion in private (not taxpayer) capital. That has produced 280 new or expanded facilities, over 18 million square feet of new manufacturing space, and 70,000 new defense jobs. He repeatedly emphasized that these were private-sector investments, not government spending.
He described a transformation of Pentagon acquisition — from a “bureaucratic model to a business model” — focused on multi-year procurement agreements that give defense companies the long-term demand signals needed to justify major capital investment.
On Iran, Hegseth was defiant, calling critics of the operation “reckless, feckless and defeatist” — a line that generated significant backlash from Democrats during the question period. He defended Operation Midnight Hammer as “very effective,” argued that Iran’s nuclear facilities had been destroyed, and said the president has “the courage” to ensure Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon. He called congressional criticism “the biggest challenge, the biggest adversary we face at this point.”
Context: Hegseth referred to his department throughout as the “Department of War,” reflecting a rebranding that the Trump administration had adopted to signal a more combat-focused posture.
General Dan Caine’s Opening Statement
Gen. Caine, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, opened with a more measured tone than Hegseth, invoking General George C. Marshall as his professional model — a figure associated with nonpartisan military advice and unwavering commitment to civilian control.
Caine expressed “deep gratitude” for the 39 members of the joint force who died during his time as chairman, including 14 in Operation Epic Fury. He described the joint force as “operational at its core,” and cited operations across multiple theaters — Rough Rider, Midnight Hammer, Southern Spear, Absolute Resolve, and Epic Fury — as evidence of a military that can “seamlessly synchronize capabilities across all domains, from the seabed to cislunar space.”
He was careful throughout the hearing to stay within what he called the “middle” — providing military advice and declining to be drawn into partisan assessments. He noted his commitment to “telling them always what they need to hear, not always what they want to hear.”
Topic-by-Topic Breakdown
The $1.5 Trillion FY27 Budget: Top-Line Numbers
The budget request represents what Chairman Rogers called “the first budget in over 40 years that accounts for the true cost of American deterrence.” Key figures from the hearing include the following.
Personnel and readiness: A 7 percent pay raise for lower-enlisted personnel (6 percent for E6–O3, 5 percent for O4 and above), elimination of all “poor or failing” barracks, $4.5 billion for family housing, and a 44,000-person expansion of military end strength.
Procurement and modernization: A 76 percent increase in procurement spending, 64 percent jump in R&D, $71 billion for nuclear triad modernization, $65 billion for shipbuilding, $54–74 billion for drone and autonomous warfare programs (the Defense Autonomous Warfare Group, or DAWG), and nearly $1 billion for the Guam Defense System.
Defense industrial base: Over $100 billion in investments to revitalize manufacturing, expand domestic critical minerals capacity, and secure supply chains. The budget includes $22 billion in shipbuilding allocations from the reconciliation process, $25 billion for munitions, and $22 billion for the Golden Dome missile defense initiative.
Operations and sustainment: A 24 percent increase in operations and maintenance, a 20 percent boost to core readiness programs, and a 115 percent increase in facility repair and improvement funding.
Testing and infrastructure: $5.2 billion for test range expansion and modernization.
Rep. Smith raised fiscal concerns, noting that the Pentagon has failed every audit it has undergone and asking whether the institution can “really absorb another $500 to $600 billion” on top of its current budget. He also raised the $40 trillion national debt as a broader context for defense spending discussions.
The Reconciliation Bill and Funding Mechanism
Chairman Rogers opened the Q&A by asking Hegseth to explain how last year’s reconciliation package (part of the “One Big Beautiful Bill”) enabled the current budget trajectory.
Hegseth credited the reconciliation measure as “rocket fuel” — allowing the administration to get ahead of the normal budget cycle after inheriting what he called a broken and misdirected department. Specific allocations from that process included $22 billion in shipbuilding, $22 billion for Golden Dome, $25 billion for munitions, $4 billion for barracks, and the establishment of drone dominance programs.
Hegseth said without the reconciliation bill, “we’d be in a very different place.” Rogers confirmed that expanding the defense industrial base is the principal focus of this year’s NDAA.
The Iran War: Strategy, Costs, and Accountability
This was the dominant subject of the hearing by a wide margin. Nearly every Democratic member used their five minutes at least partly to challenge the administration on the Iran conflict, while most Republicans defended it.
The Cost Question
Comptroller Jay Hurst revealed, under questioning from Rep. Smith, that the current estimated cost of Operation Epic Fury is approximately $25 billion, with the majority going toward munitions expenditure. Smith noted that members had been asking for this number “for a hell of a long time” and thanked Hurst for finally providing it.
Rep. Ro Khanna (D-CA) pressed further, arguing the $25 billion figure understates the true cost by failing to account for the replacement cost of destroyed equipment, damaged bases, and aircraft losses. Hegseth deferred those details to the comptroller and said a supplemental funding request would be forthcoming through the White House. Khanna contended that the broader economic cost — including increased gas and food prices — amounts to approximately $631 billion, or around $5,000 per American household per year. Hegseth did not dispute or confirm this figure.
Rep. Maggie Goodlander (D-NH) pressed Hurst to provide a line-item breakdown of the $25 billion on the spot; Hurst said he would provide a product after the hearing. Goodlander contrasted this with Hegseth’s repeated pledges of full accountability for taxpayer dollars, calling the gap “an extraordinary dereliction.”
Hegseth’s response to cost questions was consistent throughout: he argued that the relevant comparison is not the cost of the war but the cost of Iran obtaining a nuclear weapon. He declined to answer whether the administration had calculated the economic impact on American consumers.
The Nuclear Justification
Both Hegseth and supportive Republican members argued that the war’s core justification is preventing Iran from developing a nuclear weapon. Rep. Gimenez (R-FL) established through a brief exchange that Iran’s estimated 500 kilograms of uranium enriched to approximately 60 percent could, in theory, be taken to weapons grade in “days or weeks.” Hegseth confirmed this framing.
Rep. Fallon (R-TX) noted that 100 percent of countries that have reached 60 percent uranium enrichment have subsequently produced a nuclear weapon, and argued that Iran was building a “conventional shield” of drones and missiles specifically to protect its nuclear breakout capability. Hegseth agreed with this assessment.
Rep. Kelly (R-MS) argued that Iran has effectively been at war with the United States since 1979 — through Hezbollah, Hamas, the Houthis, Iranian-made IEDs in Iraq, and proxy militias — and that Operation Epic Fury simply makes explicit a conflict that has been ongoing in one form or another for 47 years.
Democratic Challenges to the Strategy
Rep. Smith asked the central strategic question: if Iran’s nuclear facilities were obliterated by Operation Midnight Hammer, why are we still in a war? Hegseth’s answer was that Iran’s nuclear ambitions remain intact even if its facilities were destroyed, and that removing the conventional missile and drone shield protecting those ambitions is the current objective.
Smith pressed: “So they haven’t broken yet. We haven’t gotten there yet.” Hegseth conceded that Iran had not yet agreed to give up its nuclear program but argued the campaign is forcing them toward that outcome.
Rep. Moulton (D-MA) asked whether Hegseth advised the president to attack Iran and whether he considers the war a success. Hegseth refused to discuss private cabinet conversations but said the military campaign has been “an astounding military success.” Moulton pushed back: “No, but are we winning the war?” Hegseth replied, “Absolutely.” Moulton then pointed to the Strait of Hormuz closure as evidence to the contrary, prompting one of the hearing’s most memorable exchanges about dueling blockades.
Rep. Garamendi (D-CA) was the most direct critic, telling Hegseth: “You have been lying to the American public about this war from day one, and so has the president.” This prompted an objection from the Republican side; Rogers allowed Garamendi to continue under his allotted time. Garamendi characterized the operation as “an astounding incompetence” at the strategic level, despite tactical military success.
Rep. Houlahan (D-PA) challenged Hegseth on his comparison of the Iran war to Iraq, Afghanistan, and Vietnam — noting that the U.S. failed to achieve its objectives in all three. She asked whether this war was “shaping up to be that war.” The exchange devolved into significant crosstalk.
The Strait of Hormuz and the Blockade
Rep. Courtney (D-CT) cited a Wall Street Journal headline from the morning of the hearing — “Trump tells aides to prepare for an extended blockade of Iran” — and noted that the number of transits through the Strait of Hormuz had dropped to its lowest level since the war began, while crude oil prices had risen to their highest level since the Ukraine war started in 2022. He cited AAA data: national average gas prices at $4.30 per gallon, up $0.30 in a single week; diesel averaging $5.45.
Rep. Vindman (D-VA) walked through a detailed quiz: oil at roughly $117–120 per barrel (Hegseth estimated $100); the Strait at 24 miles wide (12-mile navigable channel); and 20 million barrels per day transiting the Strait before the war — now at an 81 percent reduction. Vindman noted oil was at $72 per barrel the day before the war began, representing a 62 percent increase.
Hegseth’s position on the Strait was that the U.S. blockade of Iranian ports effectively “controls” the waterway, preventing Iran from benefiting from its own closure. Critics, particularly Moulton, mocked this framing as “tag, you’re it.”
The Port Shuaiba Attack: What Happened to the Six Soldiers?
One of the most emotionally charged exchanges of the hearing came from Rep. Pat Ryan (D-NY), who began by reading a survivor’s description of the March 1 drone strike at Port Shuaiba in Kuwait, in which six American soldiers from the 103rd Sustainment Command were killed and over 30 wounded.
Ryan alleged that internal analysis had flagged the site as “indefensible from aerial attack” before the war began, and that soldiers at the base had requested additional force protection but did not receive it. He cited survivor accounts given to CBS News in which soldiers described base defenses as: “I would put it in the none category. From a drone defense capability, none.”
Ryan noted that Hegseth had characterized the attack publicly as a “squirter that squeaked through fortified defenses” — a description the survivors called a “falsehood.” He asked directly: “Are you saying that these soldiers are lying?”
Hegseth disputed the characterization, saying the department “took every effort possible” to ensure force protection, including moving 7,500 troops off known target locations before the war began. He said theater-wide air defense, bunkers, and force repositioning were all part of the protective posture.
Ryan called this response inadequate and closed by saying, “Those soldiers told the truth. Those soldiers are braver than you are… You need to resign immediately.”
Rep. DeLuzio (D-PA) followed up, citing Pentagon spokesman Sean Parnell’s statement that “every possible measure has been taken” to protect troops. DeLuzio asked Hegseth directly whether there was “not a single additional thing” that could have been done to protect those who are now dead or wounded. Hegseth replied that in a dangerous conflict against a determined adversary, casualties are sometimes unavoidable, and maintained that the department did “every conceivable thing” within its capacity.
The “No Quarter” Controversy
Rep. Moulton and Rep. DeLuzio both raised a statement Hegseth had made at a press conference on March 13: “We will give them no quarter, no mercy.” Under international law — specifically the Geneva Conventions — ordering “no quarter” (meaning, take no prisoners) constitutes a war crime.
Hegseth’s response in both exchanges was that the Department of War “fights to win” and ensures warfighters have the rules of engagement necessary to be effective. He did not directly disavow the statement but insisted commanders know the applicable guidance for each mission.
Moulton sharpened the point: “You called Democratic members of Congress to be tried for sedition for reminding our troops to follow the law. But when you tell them to commit a war crime, you stand by yourself?”
Gen. Caine, when asked whether the military had plans for the possibility that Iran would blockade the Strait of Hormuz, confirmed that the military always offers a full range of options with associated risks. When DeLuzio asked what commanders should do if an enemy surrendered, Caine said service members “always follow lawful orders” and that there is “a checklist for them to do that,” but declined to go further.
Firing of General Randy George: No Explanation Given
Multiple Democratic members — Houlahan, Strickland, Tran — pressed Hegseth on the firing of Army Chief of Staff General Randy George, who served four decades and was removed during an active conflict.
Hegseth’s response was consistent: out of respect for the officers involved, the administration does not publicly discuss the nature of removals. He offered the general rationale that the department is changing its culture and that “personnel is policy.” He suggested — without specifics — that promotions under the prior administration involved “gender and demographic engineering” rather than merit.
Rep. Strickland (D-WA) cited Department of Defense Directive 1320.04, which specifies the limited circumstances under which the Secretary may withhold or disapprove promotion nominations, and asked which of those specific grounds applied. Hegseth again declined to say, instead noting that Gen. George is not in the operational chain of command for the Iran war. Strickland and Hegseth then clashed sharply — she accused him of deflection; he accused her of tying the firing to the war without knowing where George sits in the command structure.
Rep. Tran (D-CA) drew out an important confirmation: Hegseth acknowledged that he informed the President before firing General George (“he was aware of the action that would be taken”), and that he personally ordered the removal of two female and two black officers from a promotion list — confirming reporting that Army Secretary Daniel Driscoll had refused to make those removals himself. Hegseth framed this as routine senior officer review, comparing it to the 197 general officer removals under the Obama administration.
The Defense Industrial Base: Manufacturing Revival
Chairman Rogers and Secretary Hegseth spoke at length about the administration’s effort to revitalize American defense manufacturing. Hegseth described the central concept as flipping acquisition from a “bureaucratic model to a business model,” using multi-year procurement agreements to give private companies the certainty they need to build new factories and production lines.
He named an “Ammunition Council” of 14 critical munitions — including PAC-3s, SM-3s, SM-6s, THAADs, Patriots, Tomahawks, AMRAMs, JASSMs, and PRISMS — and said the goal is to achieve 2x, 3x, or 4x production rates for each. He cited $50 billion in private investment deals (not taxpayer dollars) resulting in 280 new or expanded facilities, 18 million square feet of new manufacturing space, and 70,000 new jobs.
Rep. Messmer (R-IN) asked about distributed shipbuilding outside traditional coastal yards — specifically in the Midwest and Great Lakes. Hegseth said yes, including unmanned surface vessels and underwater vehicles that don’t require traditional shipyard infrastructure.
Rep. Norcross (D-NJ) raised a reporting requirement from the FY24 NDAA (the Enhanced Domestic Content Requirement for Major Acquisition Programs) that he said has gone unfulfilled. He asked Hegseth to commit to delivering the overdue report within 30 days. Hegseth said he would look into it.
Drone Dominance and the Defense Autonomous Warfare Group (DAWG)
Rep. Stefanik (R-NY) and Rep. Jackson (R-TX) both pressed on drone funding. Hegseth confirmed the budget includes approximately $54 billion for drone and autonomous warfare programs, with Hurst noting the figure could be as high as $74 billion when all related programs are included.
The administration is establishing an Autonomous Warfare Group (DAWG) and plans to announce a new sub-unified command — Autonomous Warfare — in the near future. Hegseth described drones as “so central to the future of warfare” that the U.S. must be able to produce exquisite high-end systems, attritable swarm drones, and counter-drone capabilities simultaneously.
Rep. Stefanik raised a loophole: while Chinese drone maker DJI is prohibited from receiving new FCC authorizations under her Countering CCP Drones Act (Section 1709 of last year’s NDAA), DJI products that received FCC authorizations before the law took effect — such as the DJI Avata 360 — remain widely available in the U.S. Hegseth committed to working with her office to close the loophole.
What is an attritable drone? An attritable drone is designed to be relatively inexpensive and expendable — used once or a few times and then discarded or lost, unlike expensive platforms that need to be recovered and reused. The idea is that you can field large numbers of them and absorb losses without prohibitive cost.
Nuclear Modernization: The Triad and the Sea-Launched Cruise Missile
The budget includes $71 billion for nuclear triad modernization — covering the land-based ICBMs, submarine-launched ballistic missiles, and nuclear-capable bombers that form America’s nuclear deterrent.
Rep. Bacon (R-NE), a 30-year Air Force veteran, raised the concept of a “Looking Glass II” — restoring the airborne nuclear command and control mission (the “Looking Glass” aircraft, which flew 24/7 from 1961 to 1991 to ensure nuclear command survivability) that was suspended after the Cold War. Gen. Caine said the military is reviewing the full nuclear command, control, and communications (NC3) architecture and that the ability to execute a nuclear response is the top priority.
Rep. Messmer (R-IN) asked about the nuclear sea-launched cruise missile (SLCM-N), which Hegseth described as an additional layer of deterrence that creates “dilemmas for enemies who are either nuclear capable or not.” Gen. Caine added that it’s particularly valuable as a regional deterrent tool. Messmer also asked whether the department is thinking about future sea-launched systems with hypersonic capability; Hegseth confirmed it is.
Shipbuilding: Battleship vs. Destroyer Controversy
Rep. Golden (D-ME) raised what he called a deeply troubling decision in the budget: cutting DDG-51 Arleigh Burke-class destroyer production to just one ship while proposing $17 billion to build a single battleship — a class of ship the Navy decommissioned in 1992.
Golden argued that the Arleigh Burke is the “backbone of the Navy’s surface fleet,” proven in the Mediterranean, Persian Gulf, and Taiwan Strait, and that the history of Navy shipbuilding is littered with failed programs (the Littoral Combat Ship, the Zumwalt-class destroyer, the recently canceled Constellation-class frigate) that rushed design to construction. He called the pace of the battleship program “extremely dangerous” and urged the committee to “pump the brakes.”
Hegseth partly agreed on the concern about cutting proven platforms prematurely, but said the reason only one Arleigh Burke is in the budget is the significant existing backlog of ships being built — funding goes toward fixing that backlog before adding new hulls. He declined to discuss details about the backlog in open hearing.
China and INDOPACOM: The Strategic Imbalance
Rep. Courtney (D-CT) raised a concern that has animated much of the Democratic critique of the Iran war: with three carrier strike groups committed to Central Command (the Iran theater), the Indo-Pacific — where China is the primary long-term adversary — has been left with only one carrier strike group (the USS George Washington based in Japan). The USS Gerald Ford has now been deployed for 312 days, with fires and plumbing problems during its deployment.
Courtney asked Gen. Caine how this aligns with the January 2026 National Defense Strategy, which listed China as the primary threat. Caine’s answer was diplomatic: national security and defense strategy documents are “frameworks,” but a president employs military force based on the political and security situations they deem appropriate. He said he is confident the president carefully considered these readiness tradeoffs.
Rep. Rogers’ opening presentation showed graphics demonstrating China’s PLA transformation from a purely defensive force 25 years ago into a modernized military capable of projecting power across the Pacific, with thousands of new ships, submarines, missiles, and space assets.
Ukraine: Support Continues, Questions Remain
Rep. Turner (R-OH) raised the Prioritized Ukraine Requirements List (PURL) and the $400 million for European Capacity Building included in the FY26 NDAA. He asked Gen. Caine about ongoing U.S. support to Ukraine. Caine confirmed it is “continuous and ongoing” but declined to discuss classified details.
Rep. Elfreth (D-MD) pressed Hegseth directly on the $400 million that had been withheld. Hegseth confirmed that “as of yesterday” (April 28, 2026) the funds had been released — though Hurst clarified they had been released to be put “under contract,” not yet physically delivered to Ukraine.
Rep. Smith raised Ukraine in his opening statement in a different context: as an example of what successful strategy looks like. He noted that the administration had told Ukraine a year ago it had “no cards to play” and should accept a deal with Russia — but Ukraine is now “actually winning against Russia.” Smith said the U.S. has struggled even to consistently say it supports Ukraine and opposes Putin.
Rep. Wilson (R-SC) offered a contrasting perspective, praising NATO and EU unity in support of Ukraine and noting that the U.S. ranks 17th per GDP in assistance to Ukraine — while calling Zelenskyy’s continued resistance an example of “courageous Ukrainian success.”
Collective Bargaining: DOD Workers’ Rights Terminated
Rep. Norcross (D-NJ) and Rep. Sorensen (D-IL) raised the administration’s April 9 termination of collective bargaining agreements for hundreds of thousands of DOD civilian employees.
Hegseth defended the move by arguing that collective bargaining arrangements in some shipyards and other facilities had “led to restrictions to the workforce and our ability to move faster.” He said “the great ones are going to stay” and that the department has invested more in merit-based civilian bonuses than any prior administration.
Norcross countered that there was “no evidence” of problems with the bargaining agreements under either Democratic or Republican administrations. Hegseth acknowledged his philosophical position: “I fundamentally believe the Department of War should not be subject to collective bargaining, full stop.”
Sorensen raised the specific case of Joint Munitions Command at Rock Island, Illinois, where he said 58 percent of staff had been cut — directly contradicting the administration’s stated priority of rebuilding munitions stockpiles. Hegseth replied that munitions are built by businesses, not commands, and that private-sector investment is the appropriate mechanism.
Military Readiness: Vaccination Policy and Health
Rep. Carbajal (D-CA) raised the Pentagon’s recent decision to end the mandatory annual flu shot for service members, citing a rationale of restoring “freedom to our Joint Force.” Carbajal noted the requirement dates to 1950 and asked whether the department plans to eliminate other mandatory vaccines.
Hegseth said the change applies to the flu vaccine only and that commanders retain latitude to make it mandatory in specific circumstances (submarines, for example). He called it a matter of allowing “well-informed Americans” to make health choices.
Rep. Kelly (R-MS) praised Hegseth’s decision to reinstate servicemembers who had been discharged for refusing the COVID vaccine, calling the original mandate “reckless” and potentially illegal. Hegseth said such servicemembers are being brought back with back pay and reinstated rank.
Recruiting Success Claims
Hegseth claimed a “30-year record in recruiting” — arguing that under the Biden administration recruiting goals went unmet, while now the military must turn applicants away to the next fiscal year. This claim drove the request for 44,000 additional personnel in the budget.
Rep. DesJarlais (R-TN) asked whether Hegseth had ever seen operations comparable in scope and complexity to Midnight Hammer and Epic Fury. Hegseth said no, and attributed the military’s effectiveness to new leadership culture under Trump: “I have operators looking at me saying, for the first time ever, we have everything we need to accomplish the mission, both in equipment and in authorities.”
FISA Section 702 Reauthorization
Rep. Turner (R-OH) used his time to ask Hegseth to make a public statement in support of Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA), noting the House was voting on reauthorization that same day.
What is FISA 702? Section 702 of FISA allows U.S. intelligence agencies to collect communications of foreign nationals overseas, even when those communications pass through U.S. systems. It is a major source of foreign intelligence but has been controversial because it can incidentally collect communications involving Americans.
Hegseth stated: “This department strongly supports the reauthorization of FISA 702… it is not hyperbole to say many of the most important missions we have executed could not have happened without the intelligence gathered through FISA 702.”
Timothy Parlatore: A Conflict of Interest Allegation
Rep. Crow (D-CO) conducted a methodical line of questioning about Timothy Parlatore, a Navy Reserve officer whom Hegseth personally commissioned in March 2025 and who serves as a senior advisor. Crow established that Parlatore was not vetted through the White House Presidential Personnel Office (because he is a uniformed officer), did not go through Senate confirmation, travels with Hegseth, sits in meetings, and may maintain a desk at the Pentagon.
Crow alleged that Parlatore had been removed from a White House investigation last year (and that Hegseth was removed from the same investigation), that Parlatore was accused of lying by President Trump’s legal team, and that he represents clients — potentially including senior officers up for promotion — through his private law practice.
Hegseth denied knowledge of or disputed most of these claims, calling Crow’s questions a “gotcha game.” Crow used his closing seconds to argue that Hegseth is “repeatedly going behind the President’s back” by maintaining someone the White House has accused of lying.
Signal App: Classified Information Concerns
Rep. Whitesides (D-CA) raised the Signal app controversy — a reference to earlier reporting that Hegseth and other senior officials discussed classified strike information using the unclassified messaging application. Whitesides asked Hurst and Caine whether they have Signal on their phones; Caine confirmed he does on his personal phone and said he would check his official device. Hurst declined to answer as it fell outside his comptroller role.
Whitesides noted that FBI Director Kash Patel had publicly warned that Russian hackers are targeting Signal users in the U.S. government. He said the committee has asked for a policy clarification on Signal on official devices “about five separate times” without a straight answer.
The Apache Helicopter / Kid Rock Investigation
Rep. Whitesides also asked Hegseth about an Army Apache helicopter that flew over the property of musician Kid Rock on March 28. Command leadership of the 101st Combat Aviation Brigade launched an investigation — which Hegseth terminated via social media on March 31, before it was complete.
Whitesides asked whether Hegseth had spoken to the President before terminating the review. Hegseth said, “I don’t relay what I talk about.” Whitesides argued that Hegseth’s non-denial implied he had consulted the President, which would mean the Commander-in-Chief overruled the 101st Airborne’s own leadership process. Hegseth disputed that characterization.
Stolen Valor Allegations: Cory Mills
Rep. Mace (R-SC) used her time for an extended and highly personal presentation, entering into the record documents she said demonstrate that Rep. Cory Mills (R-FL) falsified his military service records. She alleged that a Bronze Star he received was for an action that soldiers who were present say never happened; that a Brigadier General confirmed he did not personally sign the award; that photos Mills uses to represent combat experience belong to a different soldier’s Humvee; and that other records raise questions about his character.
Mace said she takes “stolen valor” seriously because her own father — who died April 14 — earned a Distinguished Service Cross in Vietnam. She entered a restraining order against Mills for dating violence into the record.
Rep. Mills responded in his own turn, entering his DD214, Army-certified records of his medals, and a statement from a former Special Forces member confirming his involvement in two Baghdad explosions. He said his records are publicly available on the Department of the Army’s website.
Medal of Honor Upgrade: Sergeant First Class Thomas J. Grasso
In one of the hearing’s most moving moments, Rep. Harrigan (R-NC) read a full proposed Medal of Honor citation for Sergeant First Class Thomas J. Grasso, who served in a Special Forces element that seized Kunduz, Afghanistan from the Taliban in 2015 — outnumbered 60 to 1. The citation described 130 hours of combat in which Grasso fought through a traumatic brain injury, repeatedly exposed himself to fire, and saved the lives of five Special Forces teammates.
Harrigan said he was present during those events and is alive today because he was one of the five Grasso rescued. He asked Gen. Caine to direct the appropriate Army awards board to review Grasso’s packet for an upgrade from his current Silver Star.
Caine replied simply: “Congressman, we’ll do it.”
SOCOM Funding Concerns
Rep. Jackson (R-TX) raised concerns that U.S. Special Operations Command (SOCOM) has seen its budget flatlined for a decade, losing 14 percent of purchasing power to inflation. The FY27 request adds only $223 million above the prior year’s level — dropping SOCOM from under 2 percent to just above 1 percent of the total DoD budget — even as Combatant Command demand for special operations capabilities increased 35 percent between 2023 and 2025.
Rep. McGuire (R-VA) echoed these concerns. Hegseth acknowledged the shortfall and committed to working with Congress to grow the SOCOM topline, calling SOCOM’s contributions “incredible” and noting that many of the administration’s high-profile operations would not have been possible without it.
Quantum Computing
Rep. Stefanik asked about the budget’s support for quantum computing, noting China’s heavy investment in quantum for military communications and sensing. Hegseth said quantum dominance is a national priority and that the budget makes “the maximal investment possible.” Gen. Caine said he sees the most immediate application in cryptography — using quantum to protect and defeat communications and surveillance systems.
Guam: Defense, Housing, and Power Grid
Del. Moylan (R-Guam) raised several Guam-specific concerns. Hegseth confirmed the budget includes nearly $1 billion for the Guam Defense System and expressed commitment to stabilizing the Living Quarters Allowance for civilian DoD employees — with guidance expected by early May. Hegseth also cited $450 million for Small Modular Reactors as part of a new strategy to make military bases more energy-resilient. Family housing receives approximately $4.5 billion in the budget.
Veterans’ Suicide and Psychedelic Research
Rep. Luttrell (R-TX), a former Navy SEAL, raised an executive order the President signed authorizing research into psychedelic medications for veterans and active-duty service members dealing with PTSD and other mental health conditions. Luttrell noted that the U.S. loses more than 6,000 veterans per year to suicide.
Hegseth confirmed the DoD and VA have the deepest partnership between those departments “that has ever existed” and said the department is open to exploring psychedelic-assisted therapies if evidence supports their effectiveness.
National Guard Duty Status Reform
Rep. Cisneros (D-CA) raised the Duty Status Reform Act, which he and Rep. Bergman (R-MI) have introduced to consolidate the 29 separate duty statuses under which National Guard members can be called up — statuses that result in inconsistent pay and benefits depending on circumstances. Hegseth expressed support for the effort, saying it “makes a ton of sense” and that the department looks forward to working on reform. Gen. Caine, speaking personally and not as chairman, said he would also support simplifying the system.
Quality of Life: Barracks, Childcare, and TRICARE
Rep. Vasquez (D-NM) raised ongoing quality of life failures at bases in his district, including an elementary school at White Sands Missile Range in need of complete replacement and childcare centers at Holloman Air Force Base that gave military families just nine days to find new childcare. He asked whether Hegseth takes accountability for these failures.
Hegseth said the budget addresses these issues with historic amounts for barracks, family housing, family support programs, and child development centers — including elimination of all failing barracks. He acknowledged the problem predates the current administration but said “this administration is going to fix it.”
Rep. Bacon (R-NE) raised the housing allowance (BAH), noting that a 5 percent administrative reduction to BAH has been ongoing for years, effectively underpaying service members living off-base. Hegseth acknowledged it as a quality-of-life failure and committed to working with Bacon to close the gap, also noting TRICARE reimbursement rates as an issue where below-Medicare reimbursement causes providers to reject TRICARE patients.
Africa: Niger Air Bases and Counterterrorism
Rep. Scott (R-GA) raised the loss of Air Bases 101 and 201 in Niger, which he attributed to State Department mismanagement of the relationship. He asked whether the administration is pursuing their return. Gen. Caine confirmed that General Anderson (AFRICOM) is actively working the issue and that 101 and 201 are “one of many things” being considered as part of a broader assessment of the western Africa CT posture.
The Military and Elections: A Pointed Exchange
Rep. Tokuda (D-HI) cited President Trump’s February 2, 2026 statement that Republicans should “nationalize the voting” and asked Hegseth directly: “If President Trump ordered you to deploy troops to polling places during the midterm elections this fall, which would violate the law I just cited, would you implement his order?”
Hegseth declined to answer the hypothetical, defending the administration’s record of working alongside law enforcement. He pivoted to noting that in 2024 under President Biden, troops were deployed to polling locations in 15 states — an assertion Tokuda did not contest but said was not what she was asking about.
Tokuda then confirmed with Hegseth that he agrees the military will not follow unlawful orders, quoting him back from a 2016 statement, and thanked him for clarifying what she called “this important principle of American law.”
Closing Remarks
Ranking Member Smith closed the Democratic remarks by thanking Rogers for running a fair hearing and by returning to the Iran war as the “biggest issue we face.” He acknowledged the war has not lasted as long as Vietnam or World War II, but noted the administration had predicted it would last four to five weeks — and it has now exceeded two months with the Strait of Hormuz closed, a development Smith said “we did not contemplate.” He asked for ongoing clarity on how military action is translating into the strategic objective of denuclearizing Iran.
Chairman Rogers closed by calling the budget request “historic” and urging colleagues to support it as the only serious path to peace through strength. He thanked both witnesses for six hours of testimony.
Source
“House Armed Services Committee Hearing Department of Defense FY27 Budget Request.” Political Transcript Wire, VIQ Solutions Inc., 29 Apr. 2026, ProQuest, document ID 3335413604. https://www.proquest.com/usnews/wire-feeds/house-armed-services-committee-hearingdepartment/docview/3335413604/sem-2