Tag: Economics

  • Kansas jobs creation numbers in perspective

    This week the administration of Kansas Governor Sam Brownback announced job creation figures that, on the surface, sound like good news. But before we celebrate too much, we need to place the job numbers in context and look at the larger picture, specifically whether these economic development wins are good for the Kansas economy.

    The governor’s office announced that since January 10th, almost exactly one-half year ago, the Brownback administration is taking credit for creating 3,163 jobs. These jobs, according to the governor’s office, are in companies that are moving to Kansas or expanding their current operations. Some of the jobs, like those in the recently-announced Mars Chocolate plant to be built in Topeka, won’t start for perhaps two years.

    To place this number on an annual basis, extrapolating to a full year, we get 6,326 jobs created during the first year of Brownback’s term.

    That sound like a lot of jobs. But we need to place that number in context. To do so, I gathered some figures from the Bureau of Labor Statistics, in particular figures for the gross number of jobs created in the private sector. According to BLS, “Gross job gains are the sum of increases in employment from expansions at existing units and the addition of new jobs at opening units.” In other words, jobs created — just like the governor’s definition.

    Looking at the numbers, we find that for the years 2000 to 2009, the Kansas economy created gross jobs in the private sector at the average rate of 293,335 per year. Of course, jobs are lost, too. In Kansas, again for 2000 to 2009, there was a net loss of 61,394 jobs in the private sector. Not a good number.

    Each year, then, many jobs are created and lost, nearly 300,000 per year in Kansas. This illustrates the dynamic nature of the economy. Each year many jobs are created, and many are lost. Even in 2009 — a recession year — the Kansas economy created 232,717 jobs in the private sector. That same year 294,111 jobs were lost. But in most years, the number of jobs created is pretty close to the number of jobs lost.

    Kansas job gains and lossesKansas job gains and losses

    Now we have context. If we compare the 6,326 jobs (the extrapolated annual rate) the state created through its economic development efforts to the average number of private sector jobs created each year, we find that number to be 2.2 percent.

    If we use a recession year (2009) figure for private sector job creation, the state’s efforts amount to 2.7 percent of the jobs created by the private sector economy.

    These numbers, I would say, are small. About one of 40 jobs created in Kansas is created through the efforts of the state’s economic development machinery. This assumes that these jobs would not have been created without government intervention, and I think that’s something we can’t assume one hundred percent.

    These jobs that Brownback takes credit for come at great cost. In the case of Mars, the incentive package is reported to be worth $9 million, or $45,000 for each of the 200 people to be initially hired. I haven’t asked the Department of Commerce for a full rundown of the incentives offered, but in my experience the press releases and news stories based on them understate the full cost of the incentives.

    But in any case, the incentives used by the state’s economic development efforts have costs. Some require the direct expenditure of state funds.

    Some incentives require that the state spend money through the tax system in the form of tax credits. These expenditures made through the tax system have the same fiscal impact on the state’s budget as if the legislature appropriated funds and wrote a check for the amount of the tax credit.

    Other incentives require that the state give up a claim to tax revenue that it would otherwise collect. This means that other taxpayers must make up the difference, unless the state were to reduce spending.

    The cost of these incentives is born by the taxpayers of the state of Kansas. This cost is a negative drag on jobs that would have been created or retained in companies that don’t receive incentives. The Brownback administration knows this, although it doesn’t recognize this job loss when it trumpets its accomplishments in creating new jobs through targeted economic development incentives. One of the major initiatives of Brownback is to reduce Kansas taxes, particularly the personal and corporate income tax, in order to grow the Kansas economy. The governor — correctly — recognizes that low taxes are good for economic growth.

    The governor also needs to recognize that targeted economic development incentives have a cost. That cost is paid in the form of taxes that someone else pays. That cost leads to foregone economic activity, and that leads to lost jobs.

    While the state’s wins in job creation are easy to see — there are government employees paid to make sure we’re aware of them — the lost jobs, however, are spread throughout the state. These job losses don’t often take the form of a large — or even small — business closing or moving to another state, although sometimes it does.

    Instead, the job loss occurs in dribs and drabs across the state. A restaurant manager finds his store is not as busy as last month, so he lets a server go. A small retail outlet finds it can’t quite keep up with its overhead, so it shuts down. These events don’t often make news. The jobs lost are difficult to detect — nearly invisible — although the cumulative impact is very real.

    Instead of relying on traditional, targeted economic development efforts, Kansas needs to follow the advice of Dr. Art Hall. He recommends policies to encourage as much business experimentation as possible. These policies, basically, call for low taxes for all business firms. Then, it is through markets, not the government’s economic development officials, that successful and productive firms are identified.

    Portions of Dr. Hall’s advice was incorporated in Governor Brownback’s economic development plan. Specifically, page 10 of the plan contains this language: “Over the decades, Kansas has enacted a variety of tax policies intended to advance economic development. Many of them provide a meaningful economic incentive to make new investments and create new jobs. Almost all of the policies provide a meaningful incentive to a small number of worthy businesses to the exclusion of tens of thousands of other worthy businesses. The initiatives in this plan seek to end the exclusion. They begin the process of fulfilling the vision that every business matters; they seek to replace the old vision of ‘targeting’ with a new vision of ‘dynamism.’”

    It’s time that the governor and his administration apply this advice. That’s going to be hard to do. The crowing over the Mars deal — the very type of targeted economic development “win” that the plan criticizes — shows that politicians love to be seen as actively pursuing and creating jobs. A dynamic, free market-based job-creating economy requires that politicians and bureaucrats keep their hands off — something that goes against their very nature.

  • Kansas job growth — or lack of it

    The lack of job growth in Kansas should be in the news, as the figures are quite startling and reveal a stagnant Kansas economy when compared to nearby states. It’s also the one-year anniversary of the increase in the state-wide sales tax of one cent per dollar.

    But some want to stick their heads in the sand when it comes to the harmful effect of tax increases and the dismal performance of the Kansas economy. An example is from yesterday, when Wichita Eagle opinion page chief Phillip Brownlee editorialized that “Apparently last year’s sales-tax increase didn’t wreck the Kansas economy, as some predicted.”

    Perhaps Brownlee hasn’t been listening to what others have said. The most startling fact, and one that should be a wake-up call to anyone who cares about the future of Kansas, is the uncovering by the Kansas Policy Institute that Kansas is the only state to have a loss in private sector jobs over the past year.

    All the spending on schools, highways, and other government programs that are supposed to spur our economy to greatness have lead to this: last place. The only state with private-sector job loss. We couldn’t have done worse.

    Here are some charts based on data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics that illustrate. First, here’s the trend in Kansas employment, using January 2009 as the base. Other months are indexed from that number. The chart separately shows the trends in government and private sector employment.

    The effect of the recession on private sector employment has been severe, while government employment has fared much better. But government employees don’t create the wealth necessary to create prosperity for Kansans. Instead, the government jobs are a burden to our economy as they drain resources from the productive private sector.

    Of particular interest is the relative flatness of the curve over the past year. Around that time we’re told the recovery was taking place — it was on June 17, 2010 that President Barack Obama announced the “Summer of Recovery.” But Kansas private sector employment has remained largely unchanged since then.

    Kansas employment trendsKansas employment trends, government and private sector

    Comparing Kansas private sector employment to other states near Kansas produces a grimmer picture. All these states suffered from the recession, but many of these states did not suffer job losses as large as Kansas (on a relative basis).

    Then about a year ago, the trend in most of these states started to improve. But not Kansas.

    Kansas private sector employment trendsKansas private sector employment trends, compared to other states

    Even if one believes that government jobs create prosperity, Kansas has lagged here, too. It should be noted that Kansas has a very large number of government employees compared to its population. Kansas has 717.4 public employees per 10,000 population, which is number 48 in the nation. Only two states have more government employees, compared to population, than Kansas.

    Starting from such a high level of government employment may explain the following chart, where Kansas, when compared to neighboring states, has lagged behind in the change in the number of government jobs.

    Kansas government sector employment trends, compared to other statesKansas government sector employment trends, compared to other states

    Last year supporters of the increase in the sales tax made the case that more government revenue was necessary to avoid decreases in government employment. Judging by the record since then, the cost of the sales tax has been a stagnant Kansas private sector economy at the same time our neighbors are starting to grow employment. This is a policy that must be reversed. We know how to do this — the Rich States, Poor States: The ALEC-Laffer Economic Competitiveness Index report has evidence of polices that work to produce economic growth and those that don’t work. We simply need the will to implement them.

  • Kansas and Wichita quick takes: Tuesday July 5, 2011

    Kansas can choose its future path. Kansas has a choice to make, writes Dave Trabert, President of Kansas Policy Institute: “‘Rich States, Poor States’ is loaded with good policy advice but perhaps the greatest takeaway is that economic prosperity is a matter of choice. Some states choose to create an environment that encourages economic activity; others choose to put a higher value on government growth, which discourages job creation.” The choice we have to make is based on Kansas’ middle-of-the-road ranking in Rich States, Poor States: The ALEC-Laffer Economic Competitiveness Index, a new edition of which was recently released. It is, writes Trabert: “We can either choose to continue the tax-and-spend mentality that continues to drive jobs away or we can choose to become prosperous.” More is at Rich State or Poor State — It’s a Matter of Choice . … Trabert will be speaking in Wichita on this topic this Friday, see the next item.

    Kansas budget to be topic. This Friday’s meeting (July 8th) of the Wichita Pachyderm Club features Dave Trabert, President of Kansas Policy Institute, speaking on the topic “How Kansas ranks in the Rich States, Poor States Economic Competitive Index, and how our state’s ranking can be improved by stabilizing the Kansas budget.” The public is welcome and encouraged to attend Wichita Pachyderm meetings. For more information click on Wichita Pachyderm Club. … Upcoming speakers: On July 15, Jon Hauxwell, MD, speaking on “Medicinal Cannabis.” On July 22, U.S. Representative Mike Pompeo of Wichita on “An update from Washington.” On July 29, Dennis Taylor, Secretary, Kansas Department of Administration and “The Repealer” on “An Overview of the Office of the Repealer.”

    Year of school choice. The Wall Street Journal, in a Review and Outlook piece, notes the progress made throughout the country in advancing greater freedom for parents in educational opportunities for the children. Of particular note is expansion of existing programs in Milwaukee and Indiana. … Schools choice is important, writes the Journal, but alone is not sufficient: “Choice by itself won’t lift U.S. K-12 education to where it needs to be. Eliminating teacher tenure and measuring teachers against student performance are also critical. Standards must be higher than they are. But choice is essential to driving reform because it erodes the union-dominated monopoly that assigns children to schools based on where they live. Unions defend the monopoly to protect jobs for their members, but education should above all serve students and the larger goal of a society in which everyone has an opportunity to prosper.” … In Kansas, reform measures such as these are rarely mentioned, as the state’s education establishment is content with keeping inner-city and disadvantaged kids in poor schools. While Kansas has some good schools, these are largely located in well-to-do suburbs in Johnson County and surrounding Wichita. Families with money, therefore, have opportunities for school choice (of a sort). Poor families don’t have this choice. … In Kansas, tinkering with the teacher tenure formula is all that has been accomplished this year regarding school reform. This is in a state that ranks very low among the states in policies relating to teacher effectiveness, according to the National Council on Teacher Quality. … Kansas Governor Sam Brownback campaigned with an education platform, but it contained mostly weak measures that appeared to be designed by the education establishment. So far Brownback has not come forth with proposals for meaningful reform of schools in Kansas.

    How much does a stimulus job cost? According to the Council of Economic Advisors, all appointed by President Barack Obama, $278,000. If that’s not bad enough, analysis from The Weekly Standard finds that now, the stimulus program is working in reverse: “In other words, over the past six months, the economy would have added or saved more jobs without the ‘stimulus’ than it has with it. In comparison to how things would otherwise have been, the ‘stimulus’ has been working in reverse over the past six months, causing the economy to shed jobs.” Why might the stimulus not be working? Borrowing the money and then “spending it mostly on Democratic constituencies” is to blame, writes Jeffrey H. Anderson.

    More ‘Economics in One Lesson.’ Next Monday (July 11th) Americans For Prosperity Foundation is sponsoring a continuation of the DVD presentation of videos based on Henry Hazlitt’s classic work Economics in One Lesson. The event is Monday from 7:00 pm to 8:30 pm at the Lionel D. Alford Library located at 3447 S. Meridian in Wichita. The library is just north of the I-235 exit on Meridian. The event’s sponsor is Americans for Prosperity, Kansas. For more information on this event contact John Todd at john@johntodd.net or 316-312-7335, or Susan Estes, AFP Field Director at sestes@afphq.org or 316-681-4415.

  • Regulation supports business, not capitalism and free markets

    There are many examples of how the conventional wisdom regarding regulation is wrong: Republicans and conservatives are in bed with government, seeking to unshackle business from the burden of government regulation. Democrats and liberals, on the other hand, are busy crafting regulations to protect the common man from the evils of big business. As it turns out, both Democrats and Republicans love creating regulations, and big business loves these regulations.

    For example, in 2005 Walmart came out in favor of raising the national minimum wage. The company’s CEO said that he was concerned for the plight of working families, and that he thought the minimum wage level of $5.15 per hour was too low. If Walmart — a company the political left loves to hate as much as any other — can be in favor of increased regulation of the workplace, can regulation be a good thing? Had Walmart discovered the joys of big government?

    The answer is yes. Walmart discovered a way of using government regulation as a competitive weapon. This is often the motivation for business support of regulation. In the case of Walmart, it was already paying its employees well over the current minimum wage. At the time, some sources thought that the minimum wage could be raised as much as 50 percent and not cause Walmart any additional cost — its employees already made that much.

    But its competitors didn’t pay wages that high. If the minimum wage rose very much, these competitors to Walmart would be forced to increase their wages. Their costs would rise. Their ability to compete with Walmart would be harmed.

    In short, Walmart supported government regulation as a way to impose higher costs on its competitors. It found a way to compete outside the marketplace. It abandoned principles of free markets and capitalism, and provided a lesson as to the difference between capitalism and business. Many, particularly liberals, make no distinction between business and capitalism. But we need to learn to recognize the difference if we are to have a thriving economy based on free-wheeling, competitive markets that foster innovation, or continue our decline into unproductive crony capitalism.

    In the following excerpt from his book The Big Ripoff: How Big Business and Big Government Steal Your Money, author Timothy P. Carney explains that big business is able to use regulation as a blunt and powerful tool against competitors, and also as a way to improve its image.

    How does regulation help big business?

    Excerpt from The Big Ripoff: How Big Business and Big Government Steal Your Money, by Timothy P. Carney

    If regulation is costly, why would big business favor it? Precisely because it is costly.

    Regulation adds to the basic cost of doing business, thus heightening barriers to entry and reducing the number of competitors. Thinning out the competition allows surviving firms to charge higher prices to customers and demand lower prices from suppliers. Overall regulation adds to overhead and is a net boon to those who can afford it — big business.

    Put another way, regulation can stultify the market. If you’re already at the top, stultification is better than the robust dynamism of the free market. And according to Nobel Laureate economist Milton Friedman:

    The great virtue of free enterprise is that it forces existing businesses to meet the test of the market continuously, to produce products that meet consumer demands at lowest cost, or else be driven from the market. It is a profit-and-loss system. Naturally, existing businesses prefer to keep out competitors in other ways. That is why the business community, despite its rhetoric, has so often been a major enemy of truly free enterprise.

    There is an additional systemic reason why regulation will help big business. Congress passes the laws that order new regulations, and executive branch agencies actually construct the regulations. The politicians and government lawyers who write these rules rarely do so without input. Often the rule makers ask for advice and information from labor unions, consumer groups, environmental groups, and industry itself. Among industry the stakeholders (beltway parlance to describe affected parties) who have the most input are those who can hire the most effective and most connective lobbyists. You can guess this isn’t Mom and Pop.

    As a result, the details of the regulation are often carefully crafted to benefit, or at least not hurt, big business. If something does not hurt you, or hurts you a little while seriously hindering your competition, it is a boon, on balance.

    Another reason big business often cries “regulate me!” is the goodwill factor. If a politician or bureaucrat wants to play a role in some industry, and some executive says, “get lost,” he runs the risk of offending this powerful person. That’s bad diplomacy. Bureaucrats, by their nature, do not like to be told to mind their own business. Supporting the idea of regulation but lobbying for particular details is usually better politics.

  • Public opinion on debt ceiling and government spending

    While the economic future of the United States seems grim, the encouraging news is that large swaths of Americans are starting to understand the reality of the situation and what must be done to place our economic house in order. This is my conclusion after viewing a new video by Bankrupting America.

    The two-minute video gathers public opinion from a number of recent sources such as Gallup and CNN. And while the news is gloomy, the bright spot is that according to these public opinion polls, I believe Americans are starting to understand.

    For example, 78 percent of Americans think the country is on the wrong track. That’s bad news. The good news is that 73 percent believe spending is to blame for the federal deficit, while only 22 percent believe insufficient tax revenue is to blame.

    In another measure of public opinion, only 13 percent believe the debt ceiling should be raised without conditions.

    This is progress. It’s the good news we can pluck from all the bad news, because we need people to understand the gravity of the situation before we can expect them to take appropriate action.

    The video is available by clicking on Public Pulse: What Do Americans Really Think about the Debt Ceiling and Government Spending?

    Separately, Bankrupting America has completed all three volumes of its Budget Briefing Book. Theses books — pamphlets, really — are short and provide much information about the federal budget and government finances.

  • Speculators, by profiting, provide a service

    Speculators are selfish people, acting only to make as much profit as possible for themselves without concern for the welfare of others. By doing so, they provide a valuable public service.

    That’s not what we hear when oil and gasoline prices — to take a recent example — go up. News commentators from across the political spectrum condemn speculators, blaming them for rising gasoline prices.

    The mechanism of the speculator is to buy something like oil when prices are low, then to sell it when prices are high. By doing so he earns a profit. (An alternative is to sell things he does not yet own when prices are high, and then buy to fulfill his obligation when prices are low.)

    The speculator, in this definition, does not hope to profit by processing and distributing the commodity he is buying and selling, as does an oil company or flour miller. He simply hopes to make a profit based on the changing prices — up or down — of oil or wheat.

    It is said that speculators are buying oil now and therefore driving up the price. That’s probably true, and it illustrates one of the beneficial services that speculators provide: they reduce volatility in prices. If speculators are correct and the price of oil spikes sometime soon, the present buying by speculators makes the spike less steep. It also induces consumers to conserve.

    Writing about speculation in food markets, Walter Block explains the beneficial effects:

    First, the speculator lessens the effects of famine by storing food in times of plenty, through a motive of personal profit. He buys and stores food against the day when it might be scarce, enabling him to sell at a higher price. The consequences of his activity are far-reaching. They act as a signal to other people in the society, who are encouraged by the speculator’s activity to do likewise. Consumers are encouraged to eat less and save more, importers to import more, farmers to improve their crop yields, builders to erect more storage facilities, and merchants to store more food. Thus, fulfilling the doctrine of the “invisible hand,” the speculator, by his profit-seeking activity, causes more food to be stored during years of plenty than otherwise would have been the case, thereby lessening the effects of the lean years to come.

    If the spike in prices does occur, what will speculators do? They will sell their oil, and that action will drive down prices, making the spike less steep. Here the speculator makes a profit by providing the service of making the oil shortage less severe. His hoarding of oil, bought when prices were low, makes it available in times of need, and less expensive, too. The speculator is rarely given credit for that in public, although this is how the speculator earns a profit.

    It is possible for speculators to do harm, however. If the speculator buys, he drives up prices. Then suppose the price of oil falls, and the speculator is forced to sell. His actions have increased the volatility of oil prices and have sent false price signals to the market. Citing again Block’s food example: “What if he is wrong? What if he predicts years of plenty — and by selling, encourages others to do likewise — and lean years follow? In this case, wouldn’t he be responsible for increasing the severity of the famine? Yes. If the speculator is wrong, he would be responsible for a great deal of harm.”

    In these cases, the speculator has suffered financial losses. These loses are a powerful market force that drives “bad” speculators — meaning those who guess wrong about future prices — out of the market.

    The real danger is when government attempts to speculate. That’s a possibility at the current moment, as many are recommending that the U.S. government sell oil from the strategic petroleum reserve in an effort to lower the cost of oil. That’s speculation — the oil was bought at a time when the price was lower, and is now contemplated being sold at a higher price.

    The problem with government speculation is that government does not face the market discipline that private-sector speculators face. When they are wrong, they lose their capital. They go out of business. Government faces no such discipline. When government is wrong, it goes on.

    Government attempts at regulating speculators are certain to fail, too. Almost any such regulation will seek to reduce the profit potential of speculation. But that is what drives the speculators and makes the system work. Without the potential for profits, speculators will not take the risk of losses, and they will not perform their beneficial function.

  • Economic freedom leads to better lives for all, says video

    Economic freedom, in countries where it is allowed to thrive, leads to better lives for people as measured in a variety of ways. This is true for everyone, especially for poor people.

    This is the message presented in a short video based on the work of the Economic Freedom of the World report, which is a project of Canada’s Fraser Institute. Last year Robert Lawson, one of the authors of the Economic Freedom of the World report, lectured in Wichita on this topic. The current video is made possible by the Charles G. Koch Charitable Foundation.

    One of the findings highlighted in the presentation is that while the average income in free countries is much higher than that in the least-free countries, the ratio is even higher for the poorest people in these countries. This is consistent with the findings that economic freedom is good for everyone, and even more so for those with low incomes.

    Civil rights, a clean environment, long life expectancy, low levels of corruption, less infant mortality, less child labor, and lower unemployment are all associated with greater levels of economic freedom.

    What are the components or properties of economic freedom? The presentation lists these:

    • Property rights are protected under an impartial rule of law.
    • People are free to trade with others, both within and outside the country.
    • There is a sound national currency, so that peoples’ money keeps its value.
    • Government stays small, relative to the size of the economy.

    Over the last ten years, the United States’ ranking has fallen relative to other countries, and the presentation says our position is expected to keep falling. The question is asked: “Will our quality of life fall with it?”

    Economic freedom is not necessarily the platform of any single political party. It should be noted that for about seven of the past ten years — a period in which our economic freedom has been falling — there was a Republican president, sometimes with a Republican Congress. The size of government rose. In 2005 the Cato Institute studied the numbers and found that “All presidents presided over net increases in spending overall, though some were bigger spenders than others. As it turns out, George W. Bush is one of the biggest spenders of them all. In fact, he is an even bigger spender than Lyndon B. Johnson in terms of discretionary spending.” This was before the spending on the prescription drug program had started.

    Critics of economic freedom

    The defining of what economic freedom means is important. Sometimes you’ll see people write things like “Bernie Madoff was only exercising his personal economic freedom while he ran his investment firm.” Madoff, we now know, was a thief. He stole his clients’ money. That’s contrary to property rights, and therefore contrary to economic freedom.

    Or, you’ll see people say if you don’t like government, go to Somalia. That country, one of the poorest in the world — but not the poorest — is used as an example of how bad anarchy is as a form of government. The evidence is, however, that Somalia’s former government was so bad that things improved after the fall of that government. See Peter T. Leeson, Better Off Stateless: Somalia Before and After Government Collapse and History of Somalia (1991–2006).

    You’ll also encounter people who argue that some countries are poor because they have no natural resources. But there are many countries with few natural resources that have economic freedom and a high standard of living. Most countries that are poor are that way because they are run by corrupt governments that have no respect for economic freedom, and follow policies that stifle it.

    Some will argue that economic freedom means the freedom to pollute the environment. But it is in wealthy countries that the environment is respected. Poor countries, where people are struggling just to find food for each day, don’t have the time or wealth to be concerned about the environment.

  • Economist: Kansas must improve its competitive position

    Last week the American Legislative Exchange Council released the fourth edition of Rich States, Poor States: The ALEC-Laffer Economic Competitiveness Index. This is an important study by authors Arthur B. Laffer, Stephen Moore, and Jonathan Williams that identifies states that use “best practices to enable states to drive economic growth, create jobs, and improve the standard of living for their citizens.” On Friday Williams was in Wichita and spoke to a group of business and political leaders at an event sponsored by Kansas Policy Institute and Wichita Independent Business Association.

    Williams said that there is reason for optimism in Kansas, but the news is not all good for our state. ALEC calculates economic outlook rankings, which is a “forecast based on a state’s current standing in 15 policy variables, each of which is influenced directly by state lawmakers through the legislative process, looking at states’ forecast for growth. In this ranking, Kansas fell from 25th to 27th among the 50 states in one year. A lot of this, Williams said, was due to the statewide sales tax increase of one cent per dollar which took effect on July 1, 2010. That will “leave a mark on competitiveness,” he added.

    Williams praised a bill in the Kansas Legislature this year which would have used increases in tax revenue to buy down the income tax rate. That bill, SB 1, known as the March to Economic Growth Act, passed the House of Representatives but did not advance out of committee in the Senate. This bill was important, Williams said, as one of the key findings of the Rich States, Poor States report is how important low income taxes are for economic growth.

    Kansas has a choice to make, Williams told the audience. Kansas could become a growth state like Texas, which has gained four Congressional seats over the last ten years. (Kansas has four seats. States gain Congressional seats when they grow in population more rapidly than other states.) Also, according to co-author Stephen Moore, Texas has created 40 percent of all jobs created during the recent economic recovery. Moore attributes part of Texas’ growth to having no personal income tax and living within its means.

    The other course is for Kansas to become accustomed to its mediocre, middle-of-the-pack ranking. But we may not want to live with the loss or prosperity that comes with this ranking. Williams cited research by KPI that show that Kansas was the only state to have a net loss of private sector jobs over the last year. All other states had at least some job growth.

    In ranking states on economic outlook, three of our our neighboring states — Colorado (number 6), Missouri (9), and Oklahoma (14) are in the top 15 states. This, said Williams, makes Kansas’ mediocre ranking of 27th look even worse.

    Williams outlined some principles that lead to effective tax policy. First, taxes ought to be simple. Complicated tax systems require much effort and cost to comply with, and are a deadweight loss to the economy.

    Transparency is important. It should be clear who is paying the tax. Williams said that business taxes violate this principle, as businesses pass on taxes to customers, employees, and investors.

    Neutrality — not using tax policy to select winners and lowers — is important, as government has a terrible record of success, and it leads to corruption in the manner of choosing winners.

    Predictability is important, and institutional controls like the taxpayer bill of rights or a super majority requirement to raise taxes help in this regard.

    Finally, tax policies must be pro-growth.

    Williams also said that increasing spending is not a good answer to economic problems. The ARRA (federal stimulus program of 2009) allowed states to live beyond their means for two years, and the money had many strings attached. Maintenance of effort requirements forced states to abandon good budgeting practices, and set states up to fail once the stimulus money stopped. In Kansas, the budget shortfall at the start of the legislative session in January was about $550 billion, and most of that was due to the end of the stimulus money.

    In analyzing tax policy, Williams told of how many people insist on using static analysis to predict the outcome of changes to tax policy. He showed the famous Laffer Curve, made prominent by co-author Arthur Laffer. The concepts illustrated by the curve include these: At an income tax rate of zero, the government collects no tax revenue. At a tax rate of 100 percent, again the government collects no revenue, as no one will work if all their earnings go to taxes. Between these two rates, revenue will rise as the tax rate is increased, until at some point tax revenue begins to fall with increasing tax rates. Eventually people figure out it just doesn’t pay to work any longer after the tax rate becomes too high.

    It’s important, therefore, to include human behavior and reaction to changes in tax policy. This is dynamic analysis — realizing that as tax rates change, people alter their behavior. Static analysis, on the other hand, doesn’t take this into account. Williams recounted an example as told in the book Flat Tax Revolution: Using a Postcard to Abolish the IRS by Steve Forbes:

    In 1989, Bob Packwood (R-OR) requested a revenue forecast from Congress’s Joint Committee on Taxation (JCT) on a hypothetical tax increase raising the top rate to 100 percent on incomes over $200,000. The JCT responded by forecasting increased revenues of $204 billion in 1990 and $299 billion in 1993. Essentially, the JCT predicted that people would continue to work even if the government taxed them out of every penny they earned.

    Williams said that only about ten states use a method of analysis different from static analysis when considering tax policy changes. Therefore, pro-growth tax policies often don’t get a good revenue score and are rejected for that reason. But the static models don’t take into account that as tax rates decrease, revenue may increase, or not decline as much as static models predict.

    On the state pension crisis, Williams said that official estimates understate the magnitude of the actual problem, as government accounting standards do not require states to fully recognize the full magnitude of recent investment losses. The losses may be spread over several years. Further, he said that states generally use an assumed rate of return that is greater than what is likely to be realized. He said that legendary investor Warren Buffet has recommended that state use six percent as their future earnings assumption. Kansas uses eight percent. Over long periods of time, which is the timeframe of pension plans, this difference in returns produces a large change in earnings.

    For more information on this report and its findings for Kansas, see Rich States, Poor States released for 2011. The report is available to read in its entirety at no cost at Rich States, Poor States: The ALEC-Laffer Economic Competitiveness Index.

  • Greenwald and Sanders try to defend Social Security, slam Charles and David Koch

    Are the free market critics of Social Security a shadowy “echo chamber” seeking to end the system for the benefit of the rich, or sounding a fact-based alarm that government and its supporters dispute and don’t want you to hear?

    According to a short video by Robert Greenwald, it’s the first choice. But examination of the claims made will lead us to the opposite conclusion, and you’ll wonder why Greenwald has any credibility.

    The video features U.S. Senator from Vermont Bernie Sanders, who describes himself as a democratic socialist. He describes Social Security as a federal program that has been “enormously successful,” so right away we need to take issue with Sanders. Social Security a success? If creating a system where millions of people are dependent on government for their retirement income is a successful program, the government has done just that. What has been the result? As George Reisman recently wrote: “Not surprisingly, in the conviction that the government was now providing for people’s old age, the rate of saving in the United States has declined precipitously over the years, falling all the way to zero in some years.”

    We’ve transitioned from savers to government dependents. For a socialist like Sanders, that may very well have been his goal. He certainly can’t be unhappy with the results.

    Right after this, the video shows images and names of think tank organizations that are funded in part by Charles Koch and/or David Koch, with Sanders claiming these organizations spread “disinformation” about Social Security. The information generated by these think tanks is truthful, however, and an important antidote to a huge whopper of a lie Sanders will spread later on.

    (At this point one might be tempted to ask: What is the interest of the Charles and David Koch in reforming Social Security? John Hinderaker in his Powerline article A Less Than Magnificent Obsession answers this question when he writes: “… does it make any difference to the Kochs’ company, Koch Industries, whether the retirement age is 65 or 68? I can’t imagine why it would. Likewise, the brothers themselves are both billionaires. Whether Social Security is or is not reformed makes zero difference to them personally.” I would say, however, that Charles and David Koch have long advocated for liberty and economic freedom for everyone, and since Social Security is contrary to that, this could explain their interest.)

    A huge focus of the video is raising the retirement age. It’s repeated over and over — so as to scare viewers. As John Hinderaker notes at Powerline, it’s been done before: “proposals to raise the age of Social Security eligibility have been a bipartisan staple of reform proposals for decades. … The bipartisan Bowles-Simpson Commission, which was appointed by President Obama, recommended increasing the age of eligibility.”

    It’s important to note that the Social Security retirement age is simply the age at which one can begin receiving benefits. Contrary to the claims of Sanders in this video, it doesn’t mean that everyone has to keep working until that age. Over the course of a working career, isn’t it possible for someone to save enough to cover the several years between when they decide to quit working and when they’re eligible for Social Security? Or will we let the government — people like Sanders — tell us how long we must work?

    Sanders also says that older people need to retire and get out of the workforce to make way for younger workers to take their jobs. This is an example of the fallacy — followed by nearly all on the political Left, it seems — of believing that the economy is a fixed size, and that one person can have income only if someone else gives up theirs.

    Perhaps the most dangerous lie of Sanders is his claim that Social Security has a $2.6 trillion surplus available to pay future benefits. He’s referring to the Social Security trust fund. Here, Sanders is correct one on level: The system has collected that much more than it has needed to pay benefits, forming the balance referred to in the trust fund. That money has been lent to other federal government agencies, and they spent it all. So while Federal Agency X may owe the trust fund $50 billion, the only way that agency can repay the trust fund is by borrowing or increasing taxes. (Less spending might be another way, but that’s a difficult goal, and we’d be taxed the same for a lower level of services — a tax increase by another name.) See Social Security trust fund: a problem in disguise.

    Sanders dismisses private retirement accounts as risky and dangerous: “You may lose all your retirement savings when you get old.” While true, any reasonable investment strategy designed for the long term has little chance of that happening. Unless, of course, one gets greedy and invests everything in a company like Enron — greed of that type being something Sanders rails against.

    Saving on one’s own, however, isn’t what leftists like Bernie Sanders have in mind. Far better for him, Democrats, and big-government Republicans that people remain dependent on government for their retirement security. Once people save and gain some wealth of their own, they find that they can thrive very nicely without a nanny state government. They find themselves wishing they could have saved more throughout their working lives, rather than making forced contributions to a government retirement plan that’s now broke. Even if not broke, most people would be in a much better position if they could have kept their own and their employers’ payroll tax contributions for their own investment.

    Finally, Sanders makes a major point of “huge campaign contributions” made to advance the interests of Charles and David Koch. Hinderaker chases down some of the actual numbers, and finds that contributions from Koch Industries PAC are sometimes less than what a single labor union has contributed.

    In the end, I’m sure that Sanders said something that’s true in this video. But I can’t bear to watch it again to try and spot it.

    Here’s my video response: