Category: Regulation

  • Regulations, even well-intentioned, may be dangerous

    A regulation intended to save children resulted in many more deaths. The reason is the lulling effect.

    Do well-intentioned regulations ever produce the opposite effect? In 1972 the Food and Drug Administration introduced regulations requiring child-resistant bottlecaps for aspirin and some other medications. The goal was to reduce aspirin poisonings among children. Surely this is a laudable goal. If government has the capability to reduce these tragedies, why wouldn’t we implement laws or regulations?

    When W. Kip Viscusi looked at data, he found something striking and very sad: After the implementation of the regulations, there was no significant impact on the rate of aspirin poisonings. The intended goal of the regulation was not met.

    But here’s the real problem, writes Viscusi: “… there has been an alarming, upward shift in the trend of analgesic ingestion rates since 1972. The source of this pattern appears to be attributable to a general reduction in parental caution with respect to such medicines, which has had an adverse spillover effect on unregulated products. The economic mechanisms involved can be best understood by considering the nature of individuals’ response to regulatory protection.”

    Because of the response of people to the regulations, Viscusi estimates an additional 3,500 children died each year. This is a regulation intended to protect children.

    The research is presented in The Lulling Effect: The Impact of Child-Resistant Packaging on Aspirin and Analgesic Ingestions. I’ve excerpted from the conclusion:

    Analgesic poisoning rates for children under age 5 escalated from 1.1 per 1,000 in 1971 to 1.5 per 1,000 in 1980. Even after taking into account increases in analgesic sales, 47 percent of this increase is attributable to an unexplained upward shift in the analgesic poisoning rate beginning in 1972. The coupling of the absence of any shift in the trend of aspirin poisoning rates with an upsurge in analgesic poisoning rates is consistent with the hypothesis that there is a significant indivisibility in safety precautions. Moreover, absence of a significant effect of safety caps on aspirin poisonings and the 47 percent unexplained shift in analgesic poisonings suggests that the impact of the regulation on balance was counterproductive, leading to 3,500 additional poisonings of children under age 5 annually from analgesics.

    It is possible but unlikely that such a strong impact could emerge from fully rational consumer decisions. Moreover, this effect is not only large but reasonably widespread, as I have identified a similar pattern for prescription drugs, and for cleaning and polishing agents. A more likely explanation for these dramatic effects is that consumers have been lulled into a less-safety-conscious mode of behavior by the existence of safety caps. The presumed effectiveness of the technological solution may have induced increased parental irresponsibility.

    A variety of regulatory efforts have sought to reduce individual risks through mandated technological changes. These measures will be effective if individual actions remain unchanged. In practice, these regulations will produce a lulling effect on consumer behavior because the perceived need for precautions will decline, potentially producing adverse spillover effects on the safety of other products. The strength of these impacts should highlight the importance of taking individual behavior into account when designing regulations intended to promote safety.

    So we see regulations lulling people into assuming safety, assuming that all is well, but danger is actually increased.

    Do you remember Bernie Madoff? He operated in the highly-regulated securities investment industry, yet he was able to steal billions from his clients over a long period of time. Did his clients assume that regulations would keep their money safe? I’m sure that many did.

    Recently John Stossel has an episode of his television show devoted to the subject of regulations. He said: “America drowns in law. There are 175,000 pages of federal regulations that you must obey, or some lawyer can wreck your life. For every pound of good the regulations do, they do a ton of harm. 175,000 pages alone strangles life.”

    Stossesl also recently wrote: “EBay’s business model is also threatened by fraud. How can a buyer trust that, say, a seller will actually deliver a $25 pack of baseball cards and that the cards will be what he claims they are? In theory, you could sue; but in practice, our legal system is too slow and costly for that. So eBay came up with self-regulation: The buyers rate the sellers.”

    When we look to government to solve problems, we can end up with systems that actually make the problem worse. When trading baseball cards, that’s not good. When investing for retirement, regulatory failure is very harmful. But when trying to protect children from poisoning, and then actually causing more deaths — that’s a man-made disaster of the highest order.

  • USA vs. You: The problem of overcriminalization

    Events in recent months have justifiably caused Americans to ask whether a powerful, activist, and interventionist government and bureaucracy is good to have. Those who have been looking at overcriminalization, however, have known that government and regulatory agencies have been targeting and oppressing Americans for a long time. And it’s getting worse.

    USA vs. You cover

    The new website USAvsYOU.com holds useful information for Americans to know about how law has changed in recent years, compared to how it operated for centuries before. The booklet available for reading is titled USA vs. You: The flood of criminal laws threatening your liberty.

    As an example, here is a troubling trend:

    In many criminal laws, the “guilty mind” requirement has been removed or weakened. This means people can go to prison regardless of whether they intended to break the law or knew their actions were in violation of the law.

    Traditionally, crimes had two components: (l) mens reu (guilty mind), and (2) actus reus (bad act).

    Today, many criminal laws and regulations have insufficient or no mens rea (guilty mind) requirement — meaning, a person need not know that his or her conduct is illegal in order to be guilty of the crime.

    An example story is the following:

    THE CRIME: Rescuing a baby deer

    Jeff Counceller, a police officer, and his wife Jennifer spotted an injured baby deer on their neighbor’s porch. Instead of turning a blind eye to the dying fawn, the Councellers took the deer in and nursed it back to health.

    An Indiana Conservation Officer spotted the fawn (named Dani) in the Councellers’ yard — and promptly charged the couple with unlawful possession of a deer, a misdemeanor offense. Fortunately for her, the day that “Little Orphan Dani” was to be euthanized by the state, the deer escaped into the wild. Due to public outrage, the government dropped the charges.

    The website and booklet is a product of Heritage Foundation and it partners such as the American Civil Liberties Union. Heritage has been covering the issue of overcriminalization here. It describes the problem as this: “Overcriminalization describes the trend to use the criminal law rather than the civil law to solve every problem, to punish every mistake, and to compel compliance with regulatory objectives. Criminal law should be used only if a person intentionally flouts the law or engages in conduct that is morally blameworthy or dangerous.”

    We have problems like this in Wichita, believe it or not. An ordinance passed by the Wichita City Council in 2010 might ensnare anyone visiting city hall, if they happen to have a broad-tip marker in their purse or briefcase:

    Animated marker

    “Possession of Graffiti Implements Prohibited in Public Places. It is unlawful for any person to have in his/her possession any graffiti implement while in, upon or within one hundred (100) feet of any public facility, park, playground, swimming pool, skate park, recreational facility, or other public building owned or operated by the city, county, state, or federal government, or while in, under or within one hundred (100) feet of an underpass, bridge, abutment, storm drain, spillway or similar types of infrastructure unless otherwise authorized.”

    “Graffiti implements” are defined broadly earlier in the ordinance.

    If you’re thinking about a career in taxicab driving, be advised that the city has ordinances punishing you if you’re found to have violated these standards: “Fail to maintain their personal appearance by being neat and clean in dress and person” and “Fail to keep clothing in good repair, free of rips, tears and stains.”

  • REAP: We’ll plan for you, like it or not

    Democracy is the theory that the common people know what they want, and deserve to get it good and hard.
    — H.L. Mencken

    We’ve learned that the government planners will plan for you, whether or not you want it. Despite having voted against participation, two Kansas counties are still included in a regional planning consortium.

    South Central Kansas Prosperity

    The new website thinktomorrowtoday.org promotes and supports the sustainable communities government planning process in South-Central Kansas. The planning effort has been rebranded as “South Central Kansas Prosperity.”

    In the logo, on a map, and in narrative, Butler and Sumner counties are listed as participants. But these newspaper headlines say something else about what the elected officials in these counties thought about joining the plan:

    Sumner County isn’t on board with fed’s sustainable communities planning grant

    Sumner County isn’t on board with fed’s sustainable communities planning grant (Wichita Eagle, July 30, 2012): “One of the counties served by a sustainable communities planning grant recently declined to be a partner in the effort, expressing concerns about federal intrusion in local government.”

    Butler County decides not to support REAP planning grant

    Butler County decides not to support REAP planning grant (El Dorado Times, August 23, 2012): “The issue at the center of the Butler County Commission’s discussion about a sustainable communities planning grant was local control.”

    I can understand why these counties decided to opt out of the planning process and why two Sedgwick County Commissioners voted against participation.

    Cato Institute Senior Fellow Randal O’Toole, in his book The Best-Laid Plans: How Government Planning Harms Your Quality of Life, Your Pocketbook, and Your Future, explains the danger and harm of government plans. I remember two passages in particular:

    Somewhere in the United States today, government officials are writing a plan that will profoundly affect other people’s lives, incomes, and property. Though it may be written with the best intentions, the plan will go horribly wrong. The costs will be far higher than anticipated, the benefits will prove far smaller, and various unintended consequences will turn out to be worse than even the plan’s critics predicted.

    And this:

    The worst thing about having a vision is that it confers upon the visionary a moral absolutism: only highly prescriptive regulation can ensure that the vision overcomes an uncaring populace responding to a free market that planners do not really trust. But the more prescriptive the plan, the more likely it is that the plan will be wrong, and such errors will prove extremely costly for the city or region that tries to implement the plan.

    We see the vision of moral absolutism on display: Despite two counties voting against participation, their overseers will, nonetheless, create a plan for them.

    It’s for their own good, after all.

  • Language makes a difference

    No longer is it “Sustainable Communities.” Now it’s “South Central Kansas Prosperity Plan.” Either way, the program is still centralized government planning, with great potential to harm our economy and liberties.

    South Central Kansas Prosperity Plan

    The newly-renamed planning initiative has a new website set to launch in a few days — Let’s Talk Prosperity.

    But no matter how politicians and bureaucrats dress it up, we need to remember the roots of this program. It took from 1987 to 2012, but Sedgwick County actually adopted the language of the United Nations regarding sustainability.

    Those critical of sustainability planning are concerned that engaging in the practice has the potential to import harmful policies and practices originating from the United Nations. Critics of these critics say this is nonsense and overreacting. Tin-foil hat stuff, they say. Examples as reported in the Wichita Eagle come from Commissioner Dave Unruh and Commission Chair Tim Norton:

    Unruh said he sees the grant simply as an “effort to make decisions about our future for us and our future generations that will save money, conserve resources and be the best solutions for all the folks in our region.” …

    Norton said he sees the grant as a way to “look to the future, try to figure out best possible outcomes and make decisions today that will be good for tomorrow.”

    “We’re all in this together. You may not like the federal government. You may not like the state government. You may not even like the local government. But I like being at the table and being involved in the future.”

    He dismisses any connection to Agenda 21.

    “It was a non-binding agreement passed during the first Bush era,” he said of former president George H.W. Bush. “I don’t rail on President Bush because it happened on his watch. I’m not twitchy about it. I’m not worried about it.”

    It’s instructive to notice, however, that the language Sedgwick County uses when considering sustainability comes directly from the United Nations. General Assembly Resolution 42/187: Report of the World Commission on Environment and Development holds this language: “Believing that sustainable development, which implies meeting the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs, should become a central guiding principle of the United Nations, Governments and private institutions, organizations and enterprises.” (emphasis added)

    Sedgwick County’s Sustainability Page holds this: Definition of Sustainability for Sedgwick County … Meeting the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their needs … (emphasis added)

    Sedgwick County left out the word “own,” but otherwise the language is identical. This definition was repeated on the county’s 2012 Employee Sustainability Survey.

    The Sedgwick County page — and other county documents — mention economic development, environmental protection, institutional and financial viability, and social equity as “the four core factors that Sedgwick County considers when making community policy and program management decisions.” These goals are often mentioned in Agenda 21 documents, especially social equity.

  • The heavy hand of Kansas regulation

    Martini glass, half full, with a single olive

    Regulation run amok in Wichita, from Anne Meyer of KWCH 12 Eyewitness News:

    (Wichita, KS)— “Two for one” drinks or “half price”. Customers may not know the difference between the two on their bill, but those words matter when it comes to Kansas liquor laws. One phrase is legal, the other is not.

    One Wichita bar owner is trying to fight that.

    Shooters on South Hydraulic is known for attracting pool players. Now Owner Paul Weigand is getting attention from the state for violating Kansas’ liquor law.

    “I’m just not ready to pay that fine yet, I want a judge to tell me the difference between two for one and half price,” Weigand said.

    Continue reading and view the video at Words matter when it comes to Kansas liquor law.

  • Kansas House votes for property rights

    state-historic-preservation-environsToday the Kansas House of Representatives passed a bill that will protect property owners from harm simply because their property is near a historic property.

    The bill is HB 2118, as described by its supplemental note:

    HB 2118 would delete provisions related to environs restrictions from historic property reviews.

    Under current law, proposed projects within 500 feet of the boundaries of a historic property located in a city or within 1,000 feet of the boundaries of a historic property located in the unincorporated portion of a county are subject to historic design and appearance restrictions.

    The bill would limit historic reviews conducted under the act to proposed projects that would directly involve, damage, or destroy a property included in the National Register of Historic Places or the State Register of Historic Places.

    The bill passed today by a vote of 99 to 24. Those voting against this bill — those who wish to keep the current restrictions on private property rights — were Alcala, Ballard, Becker, Bridges, Burroughs, Carlin, Crum, Davis, Dillmore, Grant, Henderson, Henry, Hill, Kuether, Lane, Meier, Pauls, Ruiz, Sloop, Tietze, Weigel, Whipple, Wilson, and Winn.

  • Wichita licenses the striping of parking lots

    Next week the Wichita City Council will consider licensing and regulating the painting of stripes in parking lots. How, may I ask, has civilization advanced without the benefit of such regulation?

    The agenda report narrative states “The proposed ordinance does not set up permit or inspection processes; it would be complaint-driven enforcement through the ADA Coordinator.”

    But earlier, the same report reads: “The proposed ordinance establishes a licensing and enforcement system applicable to persons and businesses catering to the public when they modify the construction or layout of parking spaces they make available to the public.”

    The licensure requirement in the ordinance states: “Any person or entity, whether as principal, agent, or employee, engaged in the business of striping a parking lot in the City of Wichita shall be required to obtain a striping contractor’s license from the City Engineer’s Office. When striping is performed by or under the direct supervision of a property owner or renter, or such owner’s or renter’s agent, such individual shall be deemed to be a licensed striping contractor for the purposes of striping such property.”

    Before receiving such a license, applicants must post a surety bond of $5,000, approved by the city attorney. Then the contractor must pass a comprehensive exam on ADA standards for accessible parking. There’s an application fee of $100, which appears to be payable annually.

    And, this ordinance is open-ended: “The City Engineer’s Office shall develop any additional rules and regulations necessary for the issuance or annual renewal of striping contractors’ licenses.”

    Before painting stripes on a parking lot, notice must be given, according to the proposed ordinance: “When striping begins, the striping contractor shall post a conspicuous notice at the location to be striped, to remain conspicuous for no less than seven days after striping is completed. The notice shall be in a form prescribed by the ADA Coordinator and shall contain, at a minimum, the striping contractor’s name and license number or, if the striping contractor is the property owner or renter, the notice shall contain that entity’s contact information.”

    Violators, believe it or not, can face imprisonment: “Any person violating any of the provisions of this chapter shall, upon conviction, be punished by a fine of not more than one thousand dollars or by imprisonment for not more than thirty days or by both such fine and imprisonment.”

    I wonder: Is it a problem in Wichita that there aren’t enough parking spots for disabled people, or that the parking spots are too narrow? (The ordinance specifies the width of the parking stalls, and also the width of adjacent access isles.)

    Can’t businesses decide for themselves how many parking spots they want to reserve for their handicapped customers? Or must government decide for us, independently of the type of business? Isn’t it possible that a hospital and a ballet studio might have different needs for handicapped parking, and that each is best equipped to determine that number?

    To top it off: It appears that these regulations are part of a settlement agreed to by the City of Wichita in response to a lawsuit filed against the city. For the city’s sins, we all suffer with these needless and overbearing regulations.

    Wichita parking lot striping standards and enforcement

  • Obama’s regulatory extremism

    In the introduction to his book Democracy Denied, Phil Kerpen gives us a history lesson on the grab for executive power by presidents through the use of “signing statements.”

    Elizabeth Drew made the case against Bush’s abuse of executive power in a lengthy New York Review of Books piece called “Power Grab.” She specifically highlighted Bush’s use of signing statements (a technique to object to elements of a law while signing it, and refusing to enforce those elements), the detention of foreign combatants at Guantanamo, and warrantless wiretaps. She concluded that Bush was a tyrant.

    Kerpen explains how the view from the oval office can make one forget campaign promises:

    Even the Bush practice that raised the most ire — the use of signing statements — was embraced by Obama just weeks after he took office, when he said: “it is a legitimate constitutional function, and one that promotes the value of transparency, to indicate when a bill that is presented for presidential signature includes provisions that are subject to well-founded constitutional objections.” Contrast that with what Obama had said about signing statements on the campaign trail: “This is part of the whole theory of George Bush that he can make laws as he is going along. I disagree with that. I taught the Constitution for 10 years. I believe in the Constitution and I will obey the Constitution of the United States. We are not going to use signing statements as a way of doing an end run around Congress.”

    Not that Obama alone takes criticism for exercising presidential power contrary to the actions of Congress, as he describes the auto industry bailout in the last days of the presidency of George W. Bush. A bill didn’t make it through Congress, but Bush “repurposed” TARP funds — intended for banks — and used them for an auto bailout in the amount of $17.4 billion.

    It is this use of executive power and agencies to bypass the will of people — as expressed through Congress — that is detailed in a book authored by Phil Kerpen and published at this time last year: Democracy Denied: How Obama is Ignoring You and Bypassing Congress to Radically Transform America — and How to Stop Him.

    Kerpen’s website is philkerpen.com, and it features excerpts from the book along with a theatrical trailer.

    Kerpen explains the problem by describing a solution: The Regulations from the Executive in Need of Scrutiny Act, or REINS Act. This proposed law would require any major regulatory action to be approved by Congress and receive the president’s signature. Kerpen writes: “We have regulators who are effectively writing and executing their own laws. The major policy decisions that affect every aspect of our economic lives are moving forward without consent of the people’s legitimately elected legislative branch.”

    The problem is that often Congress passes generic laws and leaves it to regulatory agencies to write the rules that implement the law. By requiring Congressional and Presidential approval of major regulations, agencies will be accountable to the current Congress, and lawmakers will have a chance to ensure that actual regulations are consistent with the intent of enabling legislation.

    Cap-and-trade energy legislation provides an example of Kerpen’s thesis, which is “how the Obama administration was disregarding Congress and the American people to accomplish its objectives through regulatory backdoors.” The legislation passed the House, but couldn’t pass the Senate. So what happened next? Kerpen explains Obama’s detour around Congress:

    Just to show you how unfazed the Obama administration was by the political defeat of cap-and-trade, consider what’s on page 146 of Obama’s 2012 budget: “The administration continues to support greenhouse gas emissions reductions in the United States in the range of 17 percent below 2005 levels by 2020 and 83% percent by 2050.” Those just happen to be the same levels required by the failed Waxman-Markey cap-and-trade bill. Obama is telling the EPA to just pretend that the bill passed and regulate away.

    In fact Obama’s EPA was already moving full steam ahead to implement a global warming regulatory scheme that could even be more costly than cap and trade — without the approval of the American people and without so much as a vote in Congress.

    The remainder of the chapter details some of the ways EPA is accomplishing this backdoor regulation.

    The Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, otherwise known as ObamaCare, is another topic Kerpen covers where regulation is replacing lawmaking by Congress:

    Nancy Pelosi was right in more ways then she realized when she infamously said “We have to pass the bill so that you can find out what is in it, away from the fog of the controversy.” Not only was the more than 2,000-page bill negotiated in secret and so densely complex that few humans could understand it, it also deferred most of the really difficult and important decisions to the regulators, including dozens of brand-new boards, committees, councils, and working groups. So even after ObamaCare had been passed there was no way to know what was really in it until the bureaucracy was assembled and began issuing regulations.

    Kerpen describes the bill that passed as not “finished legislation,” and is now being interpreted by bureaucrats, the most powerful being HHS Secretary Kathleen Sebelius. Her office is now, according to Kerpen, “issuing a whole string of official guidelines and regulations that attempt to ‘correct’ the draft law, often by asserting things that the law doesn’t actually say.”

    Other chapters describe regulation of the internet (net neutrality), card check, the Dodd-Frank financial regulations, and energy regulation. All of these represent the Obama administration either ignoring Congress or creating vast new powers for itself. The chart Kerpen created shows the plays being made.

    Obama regulatory extremismKerpen’s chart of Obama regulatory extremism. Click for larger version.

    What about regulatory reform? Obama’s doing that. In January he wrote in the Wall Street Journal: “We’re looking at the system as a whole to make sure we avoid excessive, inconsistent and redundant regulation. And finally, today I am directing federal agencies to do more to account for — and reduce — the burdens regulations may place on small businesses.”

    In a chapter titled “The Back Door to the Back Door: Phony Regulation Reform” Kerpen explains that this promise or regulatory reform by the president is a sham. Kerpen describes the executive order that implements regulatory review this way: “The new executive order is the regulatory parallel to the Obama administration’s strategy on federal spending, which is to spend at astonishing, record rates and rack up trillions of dollars in deficits while paying lip service to fiscal responsibility by establishing a fiscal commission.”

    And in a gesture of true public service, Kerpen introduces us to Cass Sunstein, the man who is heading the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs (OIRA), the agency that will be conducting the purported review of regulations. A quote from Sunstein: “In what sense is the money in our pockets and bank accounts fully ‘ours’? Did we earn it by our own autonomous efforts? Could we have inherited it without the assistance of probate courts? Do we save it without the support of bank regulators? Could we spend it if there were no public officials to coordinate the efforts and pool the resources of the community in which we live?”

    Kerpen sums up Sunstein’s political philosophy of central planning:

    The idea of Sunstein’s “nudge” philosophy is that the fatal conceit of central economic planning can somehow succeed if it is subtly hidden from view. Sunstein thinks that if he imposes regulations that steer our choices instead of outright forcing them, he can achieve desirable social objectives. … Given Suinstein’s views and the central role he will have in reshaping federal regulation to be “more effective,” we need to be deeply concerned that any changes that come out of the process may make regulation less apparent, but no less costly — and more effective at crushing genuine individual choice and responsibility and substituting the judgment (even if by a nudge instead of a shove) of a central planner.

    The challenge, Kerpen writes in his conclusion to the book, “is to change the political calculus to elevate regulatory fights to the appropriate level in the public consciousness. We must make sure the American people understand that a disastrously bad idea becomes even worse when it’s implemented by backdoor, unaccountable, illegitimate means.”

    Kerpen recommends passage of the REINS Act as a way to restore accountability over regulatory agencies to Congress. The two messages Congress needs, he writes, are: “You can delegate authority, but you can never delegate responsibility,” and “If you fail to stop out-of-control regulators, voters will hold you accountable.”

  • Dangers of texting while driving: Are laws the solution?

    There’s no doubt that texting while driving is dangerous, as illustrated in this KAKE Television news story. But the government solution — passing laws against texting while driving — haven’t worked, and some states have experienced an increase in crashes after implementing texting bans.

    A news release from the Highway Loss Data Institute summarizes the finding of a study: “It’s illegal to text while driving in most US states. Yet a new study by researchers at the Highway Loss Data Institute (HLDI) finds no reductions in crashes after laws take effect that ban texting by all drivers. In fact, such bans are associated with a slight increase in the frequency of insurance claims filed under collision coverage for damage to vehicles in crashes. This finding is based on comparisons of claims in 4 states before and after texting ban, compared with patterns of claims in nearby states.”

    The study does not claim that texting while driving is not dangerous. Rather, the realization by drivers that texting is illegal may be altering their behavior in a way that becomes even more dangerous than legal texting. Explains Adrian Lund, president of both HLDI and the Insurance Institute for Highway Safety: “If drivers were disregarding the bans, then the crash patterns should have remained steady. So clearly drivers did respond to the bans somehow, and what they might have been doing was moving their phones down and out of sight when they texted, in recognition that what they were doing was illegal. This could exacerbate the risk of texting by taking drivers’ eyes further from the road and for a longer time.”

    When Kansas passed its texting ban in 2010, newspapers editors praised the legislature and Governor Mark Parkinson for passing the law. In an editorial, the Wichita Eagle’s Rhonda Holman wrote “But it’s nice to know the state finally has a law against this brainless and dangerous practice.” In his written statement, Parkinson said “I am pleased to sign this legislation that will encourage more aware drivers and save Kansas lives.”

    While Kansas was not included in the HLDI study, there’s no reason to think that Kansas will experience anything different from the states that were studied: Kansas drivers may be under greater risk of being in a crash after the passage of this law.

    Paradoxically, higher fines and stricter enforcement of this law will encourage the dangerous law-evading texting behavior.

    Texting while driving will be a subject on the KAKE Television public affairs program This Week in Kansas to be aired Sunday at 9:00 am. Dr. Alex Chaparro of Wichita State University will appear to present his findings on the dangers of texting while driving and what can be done to improve safety.