Category: Kansas state government

  • Kansas university spending and funding

    kansas-regents-logo

    In response to a small decrease in Kansas university funding in next year’s budget, there’s been a bit of overreaction. Consider this Wichita Eagle editorial: “The higher tuition just forced on state universities by the Legislature effectively is a tax increase that will deepen loan debt for some Kansans and put college out of reach for others. And a $66 million cut to higher education is no way to ‘grow’ an economy.”

    Examine the assumptions underlying this:

    1. The only possible response to a small cut in state funding is for universities to raise tuition.

    2. If students have to pay more of the cost of their college education, it’s a “tax increase.”

    3. The response of students to higher tuition will be to increase their student loan borrowing or avoid college.

    4. Spending on universities — as opposed to letting people spend and invest their own money — is the better way to grow the Kansas economy.

    The most nonsensical of these is the claim of “tax increase.” Taxes are paid involuntarily. Attending college is a decision. Asking working Kansans to pay more for students to attend college: That is taxation.

    Aside from this, Kansas regents universities — as is the case almost universally — have been increasing spending and tuition. Analysis by Kansas Policy Institute shows that for most Kansas regents universities, spending and tuition increases rise faster than inflation. Many times faster, in some cases. The KPI study is A Historical Perspective of State Aid, Tuition and Spending for State Universities in Kansas.

    Below, Kansas Representative Marc Rhoades, who is Chair of the House Appropriations Committee, explains more about the funding and spending of Kansas regents universities, and recognizes the Washington Monument strategy employed by KU in an effort to shape public opinion on this matter. It worked on the Wichita Eagle editorial board.

    Asking Questions of Higher Education

    By Kansas Representative Marc Rhoades

    Year after year, despite unchanged or increased state funding, the six state-funded Kansas colleges increased tuition far above inflation with little scrutiny. Undergraduate tuition and fees at the six universities increased 137 percent between 2002 and 2012. From 2002 to 2012, KU raised fees and tuition by 194 percent; KSU by 170 percent; and WSU by 117 percent.

    Universities’ All Funds spending was $1.814 billion in 2005; $2.186 billion in 2008; and $2.421 billion in 2012 — a 33 percent increase in spending even with a recession.

    Since 2003, unencumbered carryover cash balances in two student fee accounts increased by $248 million. In other words, they collected almost a quarter-billion dollars more in fees than they spent on whatever the fees were earmarked to do. General Fees plus interest earned on those accounts can be used for other purposes — say, for example, holding down tuition increases. Instead, students paid more in fees and more in tuition and the fee accounts kept accumulating.

    This year the legislature examined the numbers and asked questions with a desire to initiate an open conversation about higher education spending, tuition and student outcomes.

    The end result: a 1.5 percent reduction to Regents which hardly qualifies as a slash, but that’s the narrative being used; and since State Aid represents less than half of their General Use Expenditures, a 1.5 percent reduction in their State Aid amounts to a 0.7 percent reduction to that account.

    Compare a 1.5 percent State Aid reduction with recent requests from Kansas colleges for increases in tuition up to 8 percent next year, even with inflation below 2 percent.

    But the template never changes: Demands for more spending are always “modest and necessary”; reduced spending is always “drastic and draconian” — regardless of the amounts or how the money is used.

    The legislature did not set out to reduce funding. We simply had questions.

    Why so many unfilled FTE positions perpetually placed on the books with money systematically diverted for other uses?

    Even factoring for inflation, why has tuition gone up so much without a correlation to past increases in state funding?

    When defaulted on, students’ government-backed loans are paid for, ultimately, by taxpayers, so shouldn’t improved graduation and employment rates be prioritized over even higher salaries to the already-highly-paid?

    By the way, the salary cap we requested was not a cut. You will hear it referred to as a cut, even though salaries were held level and not reduced.

    I serve as a commissioner with the Midwest Higher Education Compact — a 12-state network of universities. Last week I attended a commissioner’s meeting in Indiana where we heard from current and former chancellors about the future of higher education. Similar to other sectors — healthcare, for example — there are two very different driving forces promoting two very different paths: collective institution-oriented versus individual outcomes-oriented.

    College students, many unemployed and underemployed, are buried in debt while universities appear more focused on impressing their peers and expanding their infrastructure.

    Indiana colleges, among others around the country, are addressing this disconnect. Indiana University-East, just one example, increased its student numbers and graduation rates while decreasing cost-per-student over 20 percent.

    Kansas state-funded colleges have been raising tuition at astronomical rates, but under the radar. The only difference this year is they are vocal about increasing tuition using the legislature’s 1.5 percent budget reduction as a scapegoat.

    Early in the session, following a discussion about spending and outcomes, KU’s response was to threaten closure of some of Kansas’ most viable institutions: KU’s medical campuses in Wichita and Salina. It was a classic bully move. Rather than address legitimate financial questions, they made threats to cut something highly valued by all. Think White House tour closures.

    In response, the House and Senate conference committees added a proviso to the budget to prevent those closures from happening, even though insiders understood KU’s intention was to stir up angst among constituents in order to intimidate legislators so they would stop asking questions and hand over the money. Think shakedown.

    When the endgame shifts to quantifiable student outcomes — retention and graduation rates, realistic employment tracks, greater efficiencies, reduced costs, lower tuition — collaborative conversations can take place and real-world results can be achieved in Kansas. I remain hopeful and open to such a dialogue.

  • Kansas taxes, the debate

    Seal of the State of KansasKansans are not being helped by their stable of newspaper editorial boards. We’ve seen this before (Kansas editorial writers aren’t helping), and the conclusion of the legislative session provides more examples.

    An example is the editorial Why are these Kansas politicians celebrating? in the Kansas City Star. A quote is this: “Lawmakers had to go into overtime in the 2013 session trying to figure out how to climb out of the ditch they created last year when they gave away $3.7 billion in income tax cuts without figuring out how to offset them.”

    This quotation serves to illustrate much of what’s wrong with Kansas newspaper editorial writing, and also with a large group of Kansas politicians.

    A first problem is ideological. When you read words like they gave away income tax cuts, you know the writer believes that a certain portion of your income belongs not to you, but to the state. If the portion going to the state is reduced, the state is giving away something. What the state is giving away must be offset or paid for in some way, according to this ideology.

    Private sector job growth, Kansas and selected states

    A second problem is the presumption that the Kansas economy has been humming along smoothly, and that efforts to reduce taxes (and therefore government spending) are a change for the worse — the “ditch” that the Star referred to. But I would ask anyone who believes Kansas has been doing well to acquaint themselves with the facts about our economy. An example is the nearby chart (click for larger version) of private sector job growth in Kansas and surrounding states for the past two decades. For most of this period Kansas government has been in the hands of “moderates,” both Republican and Democratic. How would you say cumulative job growth in Kansas compares to our peer states?

    Anyone who defends the recent decades of moderation must confront this and similar statistics. If private sector job growth doesn’t convince you, how about personal income growth? An interactive visualization of data from the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis is here. The pre-configured view shows income in Kansas growing slower than our peer states, the Plains states, and the United States.

    If people are not aware of the dismal performance of the Kansas economy, ask them why they don’t know the facts. If they know the facts, ask them why they defend the status quo. Ask them why they want to deny Kansans the level of economic opportunity that people in, say, Oklahoma have.

    But, editorial writers would rather complain about what the legislature did to “pay for Brownback’s perilous tax experiment.” (H. Edward Flentje : Is Kansas on the right track? Wichita Eagle)

    Echoing the sentiment of the left-wing editorial boards, Flentje, a professor at Wichita State University with much practical experience in state and local government, also wrote that the legislature had to “clean up the mess” created by last year’s “financial debacle,” that being the income tax cuts. He also used the “pay for” line of thinking — several times for good measure — as well as tossing in “perilous tax experiment.” (I think I mentioned that earlier, but it bears repeating.)

    This left-wing ideology is the prevailing breeze that propels Kansas newspaper editorial boards, along with others like Flentje who ought to know better. For those who disagree, I ask them to defend the record of the Kansas economy under the leadership of coalition of moderate Republicans and Democrats. (For more background, see Kansas traditional Republicans: The record.)

    While it’s good that Kansas reduced income tax rates, it’s bad that on the balance, more tax revenue will flow to Topeka. In particular, raising the sales tax (or preventing its reduction, whichever you prefer) was a bad move, and particularly the sales tax on food. Writing in the Wichita Eagle, Kansas Senate President Susan Wagle wrote that Kansas has moved towards more of a “FairTax” model Susan Wagle : Kansas is on the path to prosperity. That’s true in some respects. But an important part of the FairTax model is the “prebate.” This is a monthly advance refund of sales tax on necessities up to the poverty level. Its purpose is to mitigate the regressive nature of consumption, or sales, taxes.

    Kansas, however, taxes the sale of food. Furthermore, on July 1 the sales tax on food will be higher than it would be under current law. The new tax law restores a portion of the food sales tax credit program, but this is a clunky measure that will benefit very few people.

    The biggest failure of the Kansas legislature this year was that little or nothing was done to reduce spending. In 2011 three bills passed the House that would take a long-term approach to reducing the cost of Kansas government. None of these bills were considered this year. (See In Kansas, there are ways to reduce the cost of government.)

    Kansas Policy Institute has also prepared ways that Kansas can save money. See Kansas can cut spending, if we want.

    Cutting government spending is important if we want to grow Kansas. See States that Spend Less, Tax Less — and Grow More and To boost jobs and prosperity, Kansas should cut spending.

  • Kansas tax changes

    TaxWhat are the changes to Kansas tax law that have been passed by the legislature and await the governor’s signature?

    The nearby table presents estimated changes in tax revenue based on changes to the law that was current at the time of the estimate. (The source is Kansas Legislative Research Department.) The largest factor in that law was that if the legislature did nothing, the sales tax rate would change from 6.3 percent to 5.7 percent on July 1, 2013. The legislature decided to change the rate to 6.15 percent on July 1. The estimated increase in revenue is estimated to be $193.2 million in fiscal year 2014, and $1,118.5 million total over the next five years.

    Kansas tax changes, June 2013

    Other changes to the law presented along with the estimated change in revenue.

    The most important number to notice is the five-year total: $777.1 million. This is the additional tax revenue that Kansas is expected to collect based on the action of the legislature this year. For the year starting July 1, the number is $307.9 million, which is 40 percent of the five-year total.

    Someone asked me whether the tax bill increases taxes on the middle class. It’s hard to answer that question, as several changes were made. Here’s what each change means:

    Sales tax: On July the sales tax rate will be less than it has been for the last three years, but more than if the legislature had done nothing. Whether this counts as a tax increase or not is solely in the eye of the beholder. The new tax law, as the chart shows, brings in more sales tax revenue than the law we’ve been living under, so I think that’s a tax increase.

    Sales taxes are commonly thought of as regressive, meaning the burden falls disproportionally on the poor or low income. To help with this, the legislature partially restored the food sales tax credit program. This is estimated to refund a little more than $20 million to low-income Kansans to compensate for the sales tax on food.

    The mechanism of the food sales tax credit is clunky. One has to file an income tax return to receive it. Further, the credit is now non-refundable, meaning that it can only be used to offset an income tax liability. In tax year 2010, when it was refundable, this credit was worth $59 million to Kansans, but is estimated to provide only $20 million in relief next year.

    Itemized deductions: Except for charitable deductions, the value of itemized deductions is being reduced. It’s called a “haircut,” and the amount is 30 percent next year, and increasing after that.

    For example, if a taxpayer has a deduction of $1,000, the value of that deduction is either $30 or $49, depending on whether the taxpayer is in the 3.0 percent or 4.9 percent marginal tax brackets. After the haircut, the deduction is reduced to $700, meaning the value of that deduction is either $21 or $34.30. This change to the law is estimated to bring in an additional $114.6 million next year, and $663.8 million over five years.

    Not everyone itemizes deductions. At the federal level, only about 30 percent of returns use itemized deductions. So for 70 percent of filers, the value of the standard deduction is greater than their itemized deductions. For these, this tax law change has no impact.

    Standard deduction: Most taxpayers use the standard deduction. Last year, Kansas increased the amount of this deduction, meaning that everyone paid less tax. Currently, it is set at $9,000. The new lax law changes that to $7,500 for married taxpayers filing jointly and to $5,500 for single heads-of-household. This means taxes will rise for most people. A family will pay tax on an additional $1,500 of income, which is an extra $45 or $103.50 in taxes. This change is estimated to raise an additional $56.3 million next year, and $311.1 million over five years.

    Tax rate reduction: The new tax bill reduces tax rates. For tax year 2013, the two marginal income tax rates are 3.0 percent and 4.9 percent. The law calls for these to be reduced slowly over the next five years. This change in tax law is estimated reduce revenue by $35.2 million next year, and by $1,195.5 million over five years.

    Rural Opportunity Zones: This program provides income tax relief to those who move to eligible counties. Its expansion is estimated to reduce tax revenue by $10.3 million over five years.

    Food sales tax rebate: As explained above, this program is expected to reduce revenue to the state by $110.5 million over five years.

    So whose taxes went up, and whose went down? The law changes several provisions, and in different directions. None of the changes are particularly large in magnitude, unless you spend a lot or earn a lot. Most people will be paying a different mix of taxes, which will influence their behavior.

    The bottom line, though is this: Tax revenue flowing to the state of Kansas is rising.

  • Ashby, Howell recap legislature

    Kansas Legislature

    Today on the Joseph Ashby Show, the host and Kansas State Representative Jim Howell reviewed the 2013 session of the Kansas Legislature.

    [powerpress url=”http://wichitaliberty.org/audio/joseph-ashby-show-2013-06-04-excerpt-jim-howell.mp3″]Joseph Ashby Show, June 4, 2013 (excerpt).
  • AFP-Kansas statement on 2013 legislative session

    Americans for Prosperity-Kansas remarks on the completion of the 2013 session of the Kansas Legislature.

    Americans for Prosperity

    TOPEKA, KAN. — The Kansas chapter of the grassroots group Americans for Prosperity released the following statement in response to the close of the 2013 Legislative Session:

    “In the last few years, legislators have made great strides to bring the state of Kansas on a path toward fiscal responsibility,” said AFP-Kansas state director Jeff Glendening. “The budget for the next fiscal year included a slight reduction in spending that certainly was a step in the right direction, but there is still work to be done in reducing the size and scope of our state government. The budget provision that limits the growth of state spending to 2 percent per year is an important step to keep spending under control.

    “With regard to the statewide sales tax rate, however, it is unfortunate that legislators chose to impose a higher sales tax rate on Kansans. While the Legislature showed respect for taxpayers by lowering the overly burdensome sales tax rate, it was only a partial victory for Kansans’ pocketbooks because the rate did not return to the previously promised level of 5.7 percent.

    “Additionally, we applaud work by legislators to make Medicaid expansion under ObamaCare more difficult to implement in Kansas. The passage of the proviso requiring legislative approval on any Medicaid expansion the Governor would wish to put in place simply adds a necessary layer of protection from the further expansion of ObamaCare.

    “It’s disappointing that legislators failed to defund Common Core, with so many Kansans expressing serious concerns with these federal standards. We look forward to legislators re-addressing this issue when they return to Topeka in 2014.

    “In the last weeks of the session, hundreds of Americans for Prosperity-Kansas activists sent emails to their elected officials. We applaud those legislators who listened to their constituents, and we send our sincere thanks to the citizens who spoke up throughout the session on overspending, paycheck protection, judicial selection reform and Medicaid expansion. Their efforts were instrumental in leading to legislative victories in these key areas.”

    Original is here.

  • Spending and taxing in the states

    TaxIn the current policy debate in Kansas, we often compare our state with Texas. The prevailing themes sounded by Democrats and other spenders include that because Texas has no income tax, its other taxes (sales and property) are higher. We also hear that Texas is “atop a sea of oil” from which the state collects a gusher of tax revenue.

    But what are the facts? Regarding taxation: In 2011 Kansas state government collected $2,378 in taxes for each person. Texas collected $1,682. We see that Texas collects far less tax per person than does Kansas. Texas may have higher sales or property taxes than Kansas, but the total tax burden in Texas is lower.

    Spending follows the same pattern. In 2011 Kansas state government spent $5,115 per person in total, with $1,974 in general fund spending and $130 in bond spending. For Texas the total was $3,718 spent per person in total, with $1,654 in general fund spending and $50 in bond spending.

    The lower level of spending means Texas has a less burdensome state government, which allows more money to remain in the productive private sector. In Kansas, we spend more on government.

    The “sea of oil” and bountiful severance tax revenue: In 2011 Kansas, which has a severance tax of its own, collected $42.54 in this form of tax for each person. How much did Texas collect from its severance tax? $104.29 per person. The difference between the two — $61.75 per person per year — is only a small portion of the difference between Kansas and Texas taxation.

    To see how your state compares with others in spending, use the interactive visualization below. To use the visualization, click the check boxes to add or remove states and years from the chart. Use the visualization below, or click here to open it in a new window. Data is from National Association of State Budget Officers and U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA); visualization created by myself using Tableau Public.


    (alternate link to the above table)


    (alternate link to the above table)

  • Kansas Senate and staggered terms

    Would staggered terms in the Kansas Senate make a difference?

    Kansas Capitol

    The tax debate in Kansas centers on a promise made to voters: That the sales tax increase will be allowed to expire this year, as current law specifies. Members of the House of Representatives seem to have a solemn grip on this promise, while senators are more willing to keep the current high sales tax rate in exchange for lowering other taxes (or something else).

    With two-year terms, all 125 members of the House will face the electorate next year. None of the 40 senators will, as they have three years until their next election to their four-year terms.

    Does the distance to the next election make a difference? Kansas is uncommon, but not unique, in that it has legislators that are elected to lengthy terms, but not in a staggered fashion. (See Ballotpedia, Length of terms of state senators.)

    California, for example, has 40 senators like Kansas, but their terms are staggered so that half the positions are up for election every two years. But in Kansas, all 40 senate seats are elected at the same time.

    So in Kansas next year, all House members are facing elections, while no Senators face the same scrutiny by voters.

    Does that account for the difference in positions taken by the two chambers? In three years, when senators face voters, will this year be remembered?

    Should Kansas change the senate so that terms are staggered? Yes, I think so. Let’s elect odd-numbered districts in one election cycle, and even-numbered the next. In 2014, one of these groups — half the senate seats — will be elected to two-year terms to get the stagger started. Flip a coin to see which group starts.

  • In Kansas, it’s more important to be right than quick

    Kansas Legislature

    It’s more important to finish the legislative session with policies that will work to the benefit of Kansas rather than to finish on any particular day.

    Legislators need to finish the session with a tax plan that does not increase the amount of tax revenue flowing to the state. As explained in Taxes and state income growth, “taxes used to fund general expenditures are associated with significant, negative effects on income growth.”

    Without a doubt, there are ways to collect taxes that are better than others. But lower taxes are the most important goal.

    It’s important that the legislature resolve these issues in a way that positions Kansas for economic growth, rather than retaining the policies that have led to stagnation compared to other states.

    Personal income growth, Kansas and selected states, 2013

    Here’s what the Kansas Legislature needs to do:

    • Keep the current sales tax rate.
    • Eliminate sales tax on food.
    • Reduce individual income and corporate income tax rates.
    • Get serious about reducing spending.

    It would be best if we could accomplish these goals sooner rather than later. But it’s penny wise and pound foolish to object to the $45,000 per day cost of running the legislature as long as we are making progress towards these goals.

  • Kansas has a spending problem, not a tax problem

    By Kansas Policy Institute.

    The data could not be clearer.  Kansas has higher state taxes than many states because Kansas spends a lot more than those states.  Every state has public schools, highways, social services, safety net programs, etc.  But some states find ways to provide those services at a much better price.  They spend less and therefore tax less (and grow more).

    Kansas spends 34 percent more than the states with no income tax, in both the General Fund and All State Spending.  As a result, Kansas has to tax residents at much higher levels than most states.

    Opponents of tax reform have tried to claim that oil and gas severance taxes in Texas make up for their lack on income tax, but that clearly isn’t true.  Texas only has a $94 per-capita advantage over Kansas on severance taxes. Texas’ real advantage is that it simply doesn’t spend as much as Kansas.

    Our dynamic analysis of Kansas’ 2012 tax reform showed that only a one-time reduction of $186 in General Fund per-capita spending was needed to balance the budget.  Kansas could do that and still be the high-spender in the region.  Instead, many legislators and the administration are trying to make up most of the budget gap by raising the sales tax and other revenue increases.

    The argument is that consumption taxes are less damaging to the economy than income taxes.  That’s true, but using a sales tax increase to avoid dealing with the real problem of excess spending is foisting an unnecessary tax on citizens that will damage the economy.

    The House and Senate budget proposals do have some small spending reductions, and it is certainly a daunting task for legislators to lead real spending reform; they have to face unending requests for more spending and an entrenched bureaucracy that often makes it difficult for reform-minded legislators to get the information they need.  And the prospect of re-election is ever-present for most.

    But even this late in the session, solutions exist that would avoid a sales tax increase without arbitrary spending reductions.  Our Legislator’s Guide to Delivering Better Service at a Better Price (published in February) shows how to use existing cash balances to close the budget gap and ‘buy time’ to implement thoughtful spending reforms.

    Even if the current budget is balanced with a tax increase this year (which, at this writing, seems likely), the spending problem isn’t going away.  There are some small spending reductions in the current plans but every plan allows overall spending to continue to increase…while further reducing income taxes in future years.  Simply put, the problem only gets worse the longer it is ignored.